THE CITY ELECTION.
MB. PEARCE AT THE ATHENH3UM.
The large hall of the Athenseum was crowded last night, on the occasion of Mr. Edward Pearce addressing his constituents. The chair was taken by his Worship the Mayor, at the request of the candidate.
Mr. Pearce, who was well received, said ; Your Worship and Gentlemen,--As this is the first meeting which, I believe, has been held under this roof, it will not be out of place if I begin what I have to say by congratulating the people of Wellington on having an Athenceum with a hall so suitable for a meeting of this kind. I congratulate myself on having been permitted to pass through the General Assembly a measure enabling the committee of the institution to erect this building. (Hear, hear.) Yon all are of course aware that in old days athenaeums were the resort of philosophers, poets, and orators. I do not know that any of us would pretend to be either philosophers or poets, but certainly I, for one, do not lay claim to be in any sense an orator. At the same time, we must recognise that it is fortunate to have a place of meeting such as this for political purposes, and I think our thanks are due to those whose energy and forethought have provided us with this room. But to proceed to the immediate object of our meeting. You all know that in consequence of the resignation by Mr. Travers of his seat in the House of Representatives, a vacancy for this city has occurred, and I have offered to take my old place in the House if you think fit to send me there. I have asked you to meet me to-night to enable me to address a few words to you, and to give you an opportunity of putting any questions to me you may think proper ; and you will probably find it more convenient to ask questions here than it would be at the hustings to-morrow. I am no stranger to you; I have been one of your representatives both in the Provincial Council and in the House of Representatives for many years; and although I have lately been on a visit to the Old Country, I would remind you that it is hardly twelve mouths since I addressed you at the Odd Bellows’ Hall, on the occasion of resigning my seat befoie leaving for Home. Nevertheless, although the time is comparatively so short since I last addressed you. great changes have taken place in the political world, and I think it only reasonable that you should have an opportunity of hearing my views on the altered state of things. I would here ask your indulgence if I do not address you as fully to-night as I could wish, because it is only a month since I returned from Home. Things have come upon me rather suddenly. I have been occupied in many ways, as you can very well understand, and I have been only able to pick up little by little what has occurred. We have had a change of Government, and that is a matter of no small importance. I have endeavored, by reading Hansard, and in other ways, to account for the fall of the old Ministry, and I haye come to the conclusion that their chief fault was in the fact that lately they began to follow instead of leading the House. When a Government gets into the habit of abandoning its own proposals, and accepting those of others, whether friends or toes, it soon ceases to have influence, and must eventually lose place and power. In saying this, I do not wish to forget, and I desire you all to remember, the many great and important services which the late administration rendered. It was a continuous Ministry for something like eight years, and I ask you to call to mind, for it is well for us sometimes to call to mind, the state of the country when they took office. At that time we were at war with the natives, trade was in a stagnant state, laud sales were found to be almost impossible, the depression was general, and we had a falling revenue. That was the state of things when they came into power, but as soon as Box, Vogel, and McLean accepted office there was a change almost like magic. They saw, and saw correctly, that the true way to conquer the natives was by opening up the country and settling people in it. They also saw that to most profitably occupy the land in both the North and South Islands, it was necessary not only to construct roads and bridges, but it was also necessary to build railways. They did very great and important service to tins country, not only iu the matter of public works, which I have briefly referred to, but in carrying many important reforms. To them we owe the ballot ; to them we owe the Laud Transfer Act, the extension of the telegraph; to them we owe many other important matters ; and last, though not least, to them we owe the abolition of provinces. Bor one Cabinet, one administration; to have done all that, is no small -work; and if credit is due to them we should not forget the very large amount of credit that is due to our absent friend, Sir Julius Vogel ; a man than whom there never was a more unselfish and a more self-sacrificing statesman. However, I was not surprised that the Ministry fell. They had a long innings ; they had done good work ; their time had come, and others took their place; but with the change parties have got tolerably mixed. That I have been able to gather, but I have not yet been able to see what is to he the outcome. It is perfectly clear that Parliamentary government cannot be carried out without two great parties—one supporting the Government, and the other in opposition. At present the line that divides the two is not sufficiently marked. I fiud supporting the Government, and, indeed, I find members of the present Government, those with whom I voted on all occasions ; and I find that others with whom I was never in the same lobby are now supporting tho present administration. (Cheers.) Such is the present position of parties, and if I judge rightly, the feeling of the country at the present time is this : That we should give the new men a fair trial—(loud cheers) —that we should listen to their proposals, and if they are reasonable we should not offer them any vexatious opposition. (Renewed cheering.) Bor myself, I am not one of those who look upon one set of men as patriots of the highest order, and regard those in opposition to them as something but little short of fiends. There are good men on both sides of the House, and however good a Ministry may be, it is just as well that it should be watched, and watched very closely, by a strong, vigorous, and at tho same time generous Opposition. '(Applause.) Yesterday afternoon I was interviewed by two gentlemen who represented themselves as a deputation from others; they did not say from whom. (Cries of name.) The gentlemen were Mr. R. J. Duncan and Mr. John Martin. (Derisive laughter and cheers.) They presented to me a written question to the effect, “ Will you pledge yourself to give to Sir George Grey, and to his Government, a hearty and unqualified support?” (Cheers and counter-cheers). Here some interruption occurred, in consequeuca of Mr. Duncan emerging from the body of the hall, struggling through rows of chairs, aud making an euergetio and demonstrative attempt to storm the stage. He suc-
ceeded, amidst cheers, jeers, and cries of “ sitdown." When quiet was restored— Mr. Pearce : I gave those gentlemen, I hope, a courteous answer, but a distinct refusal to make any such pledge. (Loud cheers.) Their answer to me then was—'‘Then you wont go iu." (Loud laughter, aud cries nf “You will.”) X think that depends a great deal more upon the electors than upon those two gentlemen. (Applause and laughter.) I have yet to learn that the party with which X have for so long been identified —a party that has done so much for this colony—the party under whose guidance New Zealand has gained such material prosperity, has done anything to warrant me in severing my connection with it. I saw the other night, in one of the evening papers, an article in which the writer urged this constituency to elect, in preference to myself, one who would ally himself with the party of progress. Now that rather puzzled me, because I was up to that moment under the impression that if fault could be found with those with whom I have been politically connected it was that we were progressing perhaps a little too fast. At all events I am satisfied of this, that if any party is entitled to be called the party of progress, it is that with which I have been so long working. (Cheers.) I at all events hold myself to belong to the party of progress, but I am not a radical, and I refuse to take extreme steps of a democratic character. Many of you, perhaps, had the advantage of hearing Sir George Grey speaking last night. He is au eloqueut speaker, and very pleasing to listen to ; at times very convincing, aud, I daresay, he persuaded, or at all events tried to persuade you, that he was the true apostle of liberal views. (Cheering aud counter - cheering. Mr. Duncan : Hear, hear.) My view of Sir George Grey is this : That he is a thorough autocrat. You might as well try to move a mountain as to change Sir George Grey in this respect. The word autocrat exactly describes him—Autos, self ; and Kratos, power. All he wants is self-power, power centred iu himself. That exactly describes Sir George Grey. (No, no.) Do you want an illustration? I will give you one which occurred lately. I ref r to a matter in connection with the Land Bill. You know that last session both Houses passed the Laud Bill, and at the last moment, just before Parliament was to be prorogued, Sir George Grey advised the Governor to disallow that Bill. Some of you may have read Sir George Grey’s defence, made in a speech delivered in the Waivarapa ; aud what was that defence ? Borsooth, that some of the clauses in the Bill were such that he could not approve of them. Who is Sir George Grey that he should set at defiance the House of Representatives and the Legislative Council ? (Cheers and counter-cheers, followed by cries of “ Order, Duncan.”) Fortunately for the country we had a Governor who knew his duty, and refused to be a party to any such unconstitutional—l might almost say treacherous—proceeding. That is what I mean by calling the Premier an autocrat. Many of Sir George Grey’s colleagues are men for whom, and for whose opinions, I have great respect, but we have yet to see how they can govern. If governing consisted simply in protecting life and property there would be no great difficulty iu governing such a colony as this, aud such a law-abiding people as those iu New Zealand ; but we have to see how the Ministry will manage our fiaauces ; we have yet to see whether they will carry on the affairs of the State more advantageously than their predecessors ; whether they can administer our railways, post office, telegraphs, and conduct ether public departments as efficiently as they have been hitherto conducted, aud at less cost. We have yet to see how they will administer. These are matters wa have to learn, and I am not prepared to throw up my bat and say, “ Now we have got new men in all will be right.” We must see what they are going to do, and how they are going to administer the affairs of the colony. As to questions of policy, we have heard something from them lately. The Premier iu his address last night told us of three questions of policy which he proposed to make part of his programme. One was the extension of the franchise, another a new Representation Bill, and the third was the incidence of taxation. (Cheers.) I will first refer to the proposed new Representation BUI, because probably all parties are agreed that it is only right that we should have a new Representation Act, and the time will be opportune, for I believe it is proposed to have the census taken, and afterthat there should bea. redistribution of seats in the House of Representatives. Therefore it is only right and proper to have a new Bill dealing with the representation of the people, and I believe the Government and those in opposition to them will join heartily in passing one. With regard to the extension of the franchise, I am not prepared to go with the Premier. 11 seems to me that our franchise is sufficiently wide and liberal at present. Every householder, every ratepayer, every man who holds iu any way the smallest piece of landed property is entitled to be on the roll. What more do you want ? Do yon want to give the franchise to men with merely carpetbags, men having no direct tangible interest in the country ? No, I think a man can get a vote so easily, if he wants one, that he has only himself to blame if be is not on a roll. I have plainly expressed my opinion that there is no necessity to give men votes who have no house, no bit of land, and no property whatever. (Dissent. A Voice : What about lodgers.) Iu theory I have no objection to lodgers having votes, and I recollect voting for the Lodgers Franchise Bill, which was introduced into the Assembly by Mr. Wakefield some time ago, but really it was so unworkable that practically it had to be abandoned. I do not think there is any want or any cry in the country for an extension of the franchise. That is my opinion, I now come to the most important part in Sir George Grey’s programme, the question of the incidence of taxation. I understand the intention is not to increase (?) the burdens of the people in any way, but to reduce the amount that is at present derived from the Customs by lowering >tbe duties on certain articles, and to make up the deficiency by cither an income tax or a land tax. (Cheers.) An income tax iu itself may be said to be equitable, provided true returns can be obtained, and it is quite possible theoretically to defend a’ land tax ; but the question arises, is it expedient te impose either. It is perfectly clear that it is not iu the interest of the working man to take any steps that would have the effect of driving capital out of the country. It must be evident to all that the introduction of capital, either by public loans or in the way of private enterprise, is immediately followed by a demand for labor and high wages, while the reverse is invariably the case when money is scarce, for then wages come down, and employment is difficult to be got. These are propositions which are, I think, manifestly true.' Moreover, if you tax land unduly—mark the word •* unduly,” because I shall have to point out that land is already taxed —you will preveut the waste lands of the Crown beiug sold, and the revenue will suffer. (No.) Yes;, that is my opinion. Let me say this by the way ; Practically the colonialisation of the Land Bund is one good result that has followed from the change of Ministry. (Hear, hear.) Without a change that reform could not have been accomplished. The hands of the old Government were tied in this matter. Those who have followed the course of events which culminated in the abolition of provincialism will know what I mean. With reference to direct and indirect taxation, it is held that by changing from direct to indirect taxation you take burdens off laboring men and put them ou laud aud on property. That is a very plausible, I might almost say a cunning cry, to go to the country with ; but I do not think the people of Wellington will be led away by any such cry. What is our present position. ? No man, unless ho taxes himself voluntarily by the consumption of spirits and winss, need be taxed for the ordinary wants of life to a greater extent than something considerably less than a penny per day. That may be rather startling, but if you calculate a penny per day for the population of New Zealand, you will fiud it would equal a revenue of something like £700,000 a year. So a man pays something like a penny a day taxation on the ordinary wants of life. Now
can the incidence of taxation be very vexatious when that is the case ? Would not any one rather pay this small sum of one penny per day, and find labor in demand with Rood wages, than be relieved from this small ta\y and find employment difficult to get? I wish you would all think this matter out for yourselves, D° not be led away by articles you read m the papers. Many are ably written, but there are always two aides to a question, and people very often only read one paper, and they get imbued with one set of views. If they think the matter out they will come to the conclusion that the working men, at all events, will not be benefited by tbe change in the incidence of taxation. However, if it becomes necessary—if the Colonial Treasurer tells me that an income tax is necessary—l will support the imposition of one. I called attention to the fact that land is already taxed. Is it not so by our municipd institutions and by our county councils ? Do not they tax our laud pretty heavily, and that tax will have to be materially increased; because, depend upon it, before very long the Colonial Treasurer will have to tell municipalities and other local bodies that they must depend upon themselves, for they will not get grants in aid. You will be taxed for municipal purposes, and do not be urging the Government to tax you through the Colonial Treasury. Mr. John Martin here rose and essayed to put some question about loafers and a penny a day. Somebody asked him to repeat lus remark, others cried ‘' Order, ” but the result was not satisfactory. Mr. Pearce goodnaturedly attempted to make Mr. Martin understand that a tax of Id. per day on the population of New Zealand would bring in a revenue of about £700,000 a year, but this did not satisfy Mr. Mart n, who continued to say something about loafers. ‘Voice i How many loafers are there in New Zealand ?—'Why, just 109,999, and yourself, Johnny, will make 110,000. (Great laughter.) [Mr. Martin, still seeking for information, asked the candidate this poser—- “ How much will a penny per acre come to? ] Mr. Pearce: If you will tell me the number Of acres aud the rate per acre I will tell you. (Laughter.) The number of acres in Wellington is””,000,000, and nearly 5,000,000 are in the hands of the natives. Here Mr. Duncan was heard talking to somebody in a loud tone, and people cried “. Order, order,” whereat Mr. Duncan protested that he was answering some question that somebody had put. A man near the door informed Mr. Duncan, “We have got a policeman here,” and this playful hint resulted iu Mr. Duncan resuming his seat, and gesticulating violently but silently. Mr. Pearce : I wish you all to believe that I have spoken my honest convictions. I have no private interests to serve. lam not one of those large landholders that have been spoken about. Sir George Grey has said that any of her Majesty's subjects is entitled to hold three hundred aud twenty acres of land, but I have not even got that. lam interested in the general prosperity of the colony, and I am not here to advocate the views of any class. I resent the idea that I am set up here by any class to advocate their views. I assure you that had I consulted .my, own inclinations I should not have again offered to go into public life. I have done so, however, and if yon see fit to return me I shall certainly endeavor to do my duty. I know very well that a seat in the House of Representatives means downright hard work. It means late hours for many months of the year, and it often means considerable injury to health. I will now simply' repeat what I say in my address ; If you think I can be of service to you and see fit to re-elect me to the position of one of your representatives, I shall as heretofore do my best to prove myself worthy of your confidence. (Loud cheers.) I have no doubt that there lire many subjects I ought to have touched upon, but I shall be only too happy to answer to the best of my ability any questions you may put to me. (Renewed cheering.) Mr. John Martin asked if it was not a fact that Sir George Grey had done great good by his negotiations iu the North Island with regard to the natives * Mr. Pearce ; I will answer that question by saying that if it had not been for what Sir George Grey’s predecessors—Sir Donald McLean °and Sir Julius Yogel—did, he could never have done what he has done. I think Sir George Grey and the Native Minister will be able to do great good iu their positions now ; but I will not yield them all the glory of having brought the natives to the position they are in. Mr. Martin ; To my mind, Sir Donald McLean and the Premier have done more than you. The Chairman ; Apparently Mr. Martin wishes to make a speech, and I think he had batter come and take his place here on the platform. A Voice ; We will have him in the Council. (Laughter.) There being cries for Mr. Duncan, that gentleman came forward and said he had been reminded by the Chairman of something he need not have told him, namely, that the meeting had been called by a gentleman who was a candidate for their suffrages, therefore it was not for him at the present stage of the proceedings to attempt to influence those present in any way ; but when a resolution was proposed they would find him there ready to have his say. (Hear, hear.) A Voice : Nominate another candidate. (Laughter.) Mr. Pearce : If there are no other questions you desire to put to me I will ask you to pass a vote of thanks to our Chairman for having presided to-night, and I thank you very much for having come to hear me. Mr. Martin : There will be another candidate before to-morrow. (Laughter and cheers.) Mr. Duncan having been again called upon said he rose to second the resolution. He did so with very great respect, for he was glad to see that they had a Mayor able to attend meetings as he did that night and the previous night. °He had listened with very great pleasure to the speech which had been made by the valuable candidate before them. Mr. George having interjected an observation, Mr. Duncan replied in warm terms, and characterised his interference as a gross piece of impertinence. The Chairman said it was only fair to Mr. George to explain that he was the first to second the resolution.
Mr. Duncan said that under those circumstances he would merely support the motion. This election was one of very great importance, and was fraught with the greatest consequences to the public of Wellington and the whole colony of New Zealand. This _was the only opportunity before the nomination that they would have to give expression to their opinions, and he could not help stating that this election had been greatly mismanaged, and was contrary to all previous elections. It appeared to him to be deserving of an appeal from the people of Wellington to the highest Court in the colony. An address should be made to enquire by what means the people of Wellington had been deprived from bringing forward such candidates as they thought would represent properly their opinions. Sir George Grey was the best abused man that ever came to the country. If they supported a candidate who went in thick and thin to support their present member, Mr. Hunter, they might depend upon it the result would he that a crisis would occur, aud some other Ministers would he appointed, unless they got a dissolution, which was very questionable at the present time. Mr. Chaklk* White ; Did Sir George Grey tell you that last night ? ’ Mr.DuNCAN: It did not require, Mr. Charles White, Sir George Grey to tell mo that. Common souse tells me, and if you don’t possess it God help you. The speaker went on to say that in all human probability the present election would determine whether they should continue to have a Governor, who was not favorable to the present Government, and who was a partisan. (Contusion.) He referred them to the people of the great centres of population in New Zealand, and they would tell them the same thing. The Governor was the greatest partisan that ever existed. (Cries of dissent and cheers.) He was a mere tool of the Atkinson party.
The Chairman : That is language I cannot permit. Mr. Duncan would not pursue the topic of the Governor further. He urged them to bring forward some gentleman who would enunciate different principles to wh it they had just heard. Personally and individually, if Mr. Pearce was to come forward iu a thousand elections, he would hare hi* (.Mr. Duncan’s) vote. They might search both inland* and not find a more honorable aud straightforward man ; but advocating the principles ho did, and allying himself to a party which was opposed to the policy enunciated by the present Ministry, he (Mr. Duncan) would make an effort to find a candidate to oppose him. He cordially supported the motion for a vote of thanks to the chairman. The Chairman returned thanks for the compliment, and quitted the platform amidst cheers and bootings. On the suggestion of Mr. Duncan three cheers were given for Sir George Grey. As the people were leaving the hail, Mr. J. H, Wallace mounted the platform, aud placing his hat aud stick on the table, asked those present to elect a chairman. A stampede indoors ensued, and Mr. John Martin took the chair, Mr. Wallace was proceeding to state that on the eve of tiie important election which was about to take place, he had a few wotds to address to them, when the gaslights were almost extinguished. Almost a riot followed, and the librarian and another individual were to be seen frantically rushing about and trying to get the hall cleared. The Chairman promised to pay for the gas consumed, aud a mutual arrangement appeared to be agreed upon, as the lights were again turned on.
Mr. Wallace, continuing his remarks, said as au elector he had a right to address them. When he was in England he saw the great reform events that took place, and he had been present at meetings where there were five hundred thousand people in attendance, and the cry of those meetings was “ Measures and not men.” What carried the great Reform Bill in England ? It was putting iu men who would carry measures, and do away with that class of men who would rum the country to its detriment for ages. It was to put a stop to that old Tory party which did so much mischief to Great Britain, aud which kept a class of men ground down. He was sorry to say there was an attempt at that now. He regretted the declaratiou made by the gentleman seeking their suffrages. He had given au exposition of what he termed an autocrat. He called Sir George Grey an autocrat in contra-distinction to a democrat. He has explained it in this way, that in reference to the Land Bill wheu before Parliament Sir George Grey endeavored to set that Bill aside, but the Government would not allow him to do it. He did not sayanything against Mr. Pearce for making those remarks, but he believed the upsetting of that Bill would be one of the first acts of Sir George Grey next session, and it would give rise to more discussion among members than anything that had occurred yet. He cautioned them that unless they put in a man in opposition to Mr. Pearce who would support Sir George Grey iu his policy, they would only be perpetuating that state of things which they had thanked Sir George Grey for breaking up. (Applause.) Mr. Pearce had spoken of the late Government being in power for the last eight years. The Atkinson party was simply the tail end of the Yogel party, and no one would deny that they had done a great deal of good; but by the Land Bill they were trying to perpetuate a great wrong, which Sir George Grpy was setting his face against. (Hear, hear.) The great benefit of legislation in these islands was to give the whole community the largest amount of privileges that they could possibly get ; but if they had a set of men ia Parliament who confined those privileges to a few, where were they ? Those were the parties Sir G. Grey alluded, and for that reason he wanted them to support him. It was an extraordinary proceeding that the nomination should take place on the Saturday and the election on the Monday, with only Sunday intervening, and he did not know who was to blame for it, but there was something radically wrong somewhere. He was sorry to hear Mr. Pearce’s remarks on the subject of representation. One of the most important subjects that was to be dealt with was the extension of the franchise. They wanted that, and unless they did the best to get the policy enunciated by Sir George Grey carried out, they did not do themselves justice. He had to defend Sir George Gray upon the very important matter of his action with regard to the Land Bill. He would be able to defend himself in Parliament, and if anything came of it, it would be a dissolution. (Applause.) The Chairman said the late Mayor, Mr. Hutchison, was present, and he did not think they could do better than allow him to say a few words. (Cheers and cries of “Hutchison.”) Mr. Hutchison, on coming forward, was received with enthusiastic applause. He thanked the chairman for inviting him to come forward, aud those present for evincing a desire to hear him. This election required careful consideration. Mr. Pearce was a gentleman of high character, he was a gentleman of wealth, and he was a gentleman who had large influence, and consequently, with the powerful organisation he could bring to bear, it would be an exceedingly difficult thing, with the short time at their disposal, to bring anyone successfully against him. He agreed with previous speakers in thinking Unhurried election a most extraordinary thing. Here was Mr. Pearce,' whom they never heard until Friday night, the nomination takes place on the Saturday following, and the poll on the Monday. There was no necessity for this haste, as a member of Parliament was not wanted now—it would be time enough iu a month hence. He was not speaking as a candidate, but he did think that a matter of this kind required that the citizens of Wellington should enter a most decided protest against such a proceeding, in some shape or other. He felt strongly with his friends that this charge against Sir George Grey of being an autocrat was one which he could not allow to pass. Sir George Grey was not present, but he told them the previous evening that he thought every single man in the community should have a vote, and exercise that privilege throughout the colony. If that was the action of an autocrat, it seemed to him to be the most remarkable thing in the world. With regard to the Land Bill, he did not know anything upon which there had been a larger amount of mistake and misconception. What were the facts ? There was a Laud Bill introduced by the late Government to which the present Government aud their adherents throughout were opposed; but after they came into office it was impossible for them to prevent the passing of this Bill into law. It passed both Houses of Parliament. The Premier uniformly opposed it, and he exercised a power which lies in the Premier of this country to say to the Governor, “I think you should disallow certain Bills.” Certain Bills were disallowed every session, and it was for the Governor to have accepted that veto of the Premier’s, and say, “Yes, we will disallow that Bill.” (Hear, hear.) What were the provisions of this Bill * Ho supposed they were to accept this Land Bill as a specimen of the liberality of their land laws. It was exceedingly liberal in the first place to the runholders of Canterbury, and gave them thirteen years longer to hold those large and important runs at a nominal rental. The half of Canterbury was held by a certain" number of landholders, and against j this liberal land law Sir George Grey was most determined. He strongly opposed those few people holding one-half of such a flourishing place. The Bjfl next referred to the district of Wellington. He spoke without fear of contradiction when he said the effect of this law hero would be that there would not bo a single aero of land sold by the waste lands boards of the province until that Bill was altered. Did they suppose that purchasers were going to pay £1 an acre for land which had been open for sale at 7s. fid. an acre ? People were not going to give £1 an acre for those hill-tops which had been lying unsold for years. Could, therefore, they blame Sir George Grey for trying to exorcise his right to prevent such a Bill from becoming law! Ho was only carrying out Us own
principle for what he believes* to be‘theegood of the community. He pi*oposed that they should hold a monster meeting on the following night, and go into the whole thing. The Chairman : To-morrow I think it will he advisable for some gentleman to propose, and another to second, the nomination of the late Mayor. I really think we cannot get a better or more trustworthy man. The meeting then came to an abrupt termination by the chairman leaving tbe platform.
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New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5273, 16 February 1878, Page 2
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5,896THE CITY ELECTION. New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5273, 16 February 1878, Page 2
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