THE MINISTERIAL RECEPTION AT NAPIER.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 5222, 17 December 1877, Page 2

THE MINISTERIAL RECEPTION AT NAPIER.

As previously notified by telegraph, a very hearty reception was accorded to Sir GeorgeGrey and Mr. Sheehan at Napier on Friday. ■ After the presentation of an address by Mr. Justin McSweeny, the secretary of the Reception Committee, of a very complimentary character, Sir George Grey spoke at some length. We take the following report of his speech from the Hawhe's Bay Herald of the 15th inst.; —“ It is said that there is sometimes a blessedness in being crowned with length of days. Now that is peculiarly my case on this occasion. It is now just about two months past twenty-three years—that is, twenty-three years and two months, since I first came to Napier. There was then but one European living in this country—a Mr. Alexander, —and I came with Jhe hope of persuading the natives of this place to sell their land for the occupation of the European people. X believed it was a magnificent country, and I thought that if it was thrown open to settlement, if it could be occupied by a British population, with all their knowledge and with all their skill, it would turn out to be one of the finest countries in the world. (Cheers). Gentlemen, I came down from the Wairarapa Plains across the country, and I arrived in this place a worn-out wanderer, the greater part of the journey having necessarily been performed on foot, and that in most terrible weather. I had then a very long journey before me, overland from here to Auckland, with no companion with me but the late Bishop ot New Zealand—Bishop Selwyn—whom you have all heard of. (Hear, and cheers). Well, I was received here in a most friendly manner by the natives. They agreed to sell a very large district of country to me, and the difficulty was then to find the funds. The colony was so poor at that time, so different from its present position, that even to find a few thousand pounds seemed an almost impossible task, and I had the very great pleasure of largely contributing to the purchase of this place from my own private means—to acquire it for the public good, with the firm belief that thousands of families would occupy the soil, and that a great town would arise on the place where we at present stand. Well, now, to-day what do I see ? The very dreams I formed lying upon those hills are now realised. I see a prosperous town around me. I see a numerous population evidently well-to-do in every respect, and I the weary wanderer have come here, not a lonely man, and been received by thousands this day who bane accomphnied me into town. (Cheers). I only ask you whether, under such circumstances, there is not, in truth, a blessedness in being crowned with length of days, for it is only that blessing which could have enabled me to see the welcome sight which has this day gladened me. (Loud cheers). Well, now, to pass over that, let me address you in another capacity. Truly speaking I cannot address yon as your representative for this place, but in some sort, from the position into which I have been forced, I am now a representative of .the entire people of New Zealand. (Cheers). Wherever I go I owe a solemn duty to the people to tell them what are the measures which I believe will be for their welfare. It is ray duty to address them as free men whom I desire to assist me in that which they consider to be good, and to go with me no further than their consciences and their reason tell them they ought to accompany me. I have no wish to impose upon the people ot this country anything distasteful to them or which they believe to be contrary to their interest, and my object and desire and that of my colleagues, with whom I am proud to be associated, is to let the people all know what we believe are objects which will lead to the future welfare of themselves and their children —to have their aid and assistance in all that we do, and from the very moment that we fail to work for ends which they feel to be good, to retire from office and to let other men come forward and do that which the public demand at their hands. Well, now, holding these objects in view, let me first of all point out that which it is the common duty ot us all to aim at. I say this, that it is our common and our bounden duty to aim at this:?that every man and every youth in this country should be instructed in political knowledge. (Hear and cheers). I feel that next to your religious duty, the next duty which follows that and forms part really of your religious duty, is to consider your duty to your fellowmen and that which you ought to do for the public welfare and for the common good. (Cheers.) Well, now, I tell you further, that in no other way can you do that—in no other way can you secure and retain the advantages which you ought to possess than by getting power into your own hands. First of all do your utmost to instruct yourselves, as I say, in political knowledge, that is, in understanding what is for the common good, and then, securely grasp at that power which you ought to have, tlie power of influencing the future destinies of this country. (Cheers). Now, that power you have never yet had, and I will try and explain this point to you. None of you have

had a proper franchise. I fixed the franchise myself some twenty years ago, and then it was as liberal a franchise as I could have obtained for you. It had to be fixed by the British Parliament, and that Parliament was not then so liberal in sentiment as it is now, so that I could not have obtained a more liberal franchise than I get; but that franchise was wasted in the case of Napier in this particular way. You are aware that you had a Provincial Council in which small constituencies elected members to represent them. According to the plan which I devised, in all the larger provinces, in addition to the Provincial Council, there was the Superintendent who was elected by the whole province, consequently the Superintendent did not belong to any particular party, and it was in his power to keep in check the different parties in the Provincial Council. In the case of the smaller provinces, that plan was departed from. The Superintendent _ was elected by the majority of the Provincial Council—that is, by the dominant party in the Provincial Council, so that in truth those small provinces were always governed by one party. The views of one particular party were forced upon the province, and they had the power of doing exactly what they liked. (Hear.) Well, now, the Drovinces are done away with, and the question is, what ought we to do now ? What we ought to do now, is this : To secure that every man of age who has resided for twelve months in a particular electoral district shall have a vote. That is the first thing. (Cheers.) There is very little trouble in making an electoral roll under such circumstances. I say that a good man with a family has as great a stake in the country as the largest landed proprietor in it. It is as important to him that ho should he fairly taxed, that his children should be properly educated, aud that there should be fair and equal land laws, as it is to the very richest man in the land. (Loud cheers.) Therefore, I say that we must first of all secure a fair and equal franchise for the entire population of New Zealand. (Renewed cheers.) Wei), having done that, what is next to be done ? I tell you the next thing you ought to insist U p on is when you get the free and unrestricted power of choosing your own representatives —the taking care that the electoral districts are fair in size—that is, that there are no pocket boroughs. It is right that the whole population of New Zealand should be fairly and fully represented, so as to have a potential voice in Parliament in the management of their own affairs. That has never yet been done. There have always been small constituencies with double and treble the number of members they ought to have. These small constituencies have always been more or less in the hands of some particular party, so that in truth there has been no freedom hitherto of legislation or of taxation. That must not happen in the future. (Cheers.) Let us now look at the question of taxation. This may seem to some of you to be a very trivial matter, and to some of you the question of the representation may seem a-very trifling matter ; but I say that any man who has the least sentiment of self-respect will not have money taken out of his pocket without his own consent. He will not see taken from his wife and from his children that which would add greatly to their comfort, unless he is a willing man, and shall say, ‘X consent to pay these sums for the public good.’ (Cheers,! Well, now, hitherto there has been no fair taxation in New Zealand. Just consider for one moment that the question of taxation has hitherto been entirely mixed up with the administration of lands; that is, those who acquired enormous properties acquired a most potential voice in the management of the country by the pocket boroughs that I spoke of, and by the means they had of securing the election of particular members. What has been the result of that T You have seen men possessing large properties which, at the time they acquired them, were, comparatively speaking, of little value, and the whole population has been heavily taxed to make railroads and to carry out the great public works which gave an enormous value to those properties, and created at once one portion of the community possessing enormous wealth. How were those railroads constructed ?—how were those public works constructed ? By the taxation of the •whole population. Not in .proportion to the benefits' they derived from the State; but yon may say it was a capitation tax; that is, it fell upon every man, upon every woman and every child in the country in equal proportion. The poor man, with a large family of say seven or eio’ht children, and his wife, contributed more to°the taxation of the country than the wealthy man with one or two children. (Hear, hear.) Well, under what right in the world was that done? Under what right in the world was the population at large taxed in order to give such enormous value to those properties 1 I say nothin'- could have been more unjust than that. ° (Cheers.) Let those who benefit so largely from the institutions of the country pay in fair proportion to the advantages they have received, —let the man •whose property is made enormously valuable by the labor of others, and by the taxation of others, contribute fairly to the necessities of the country, and, upon the other hand, let those who do not derive such advantages be relieved from the present rate of taxation which grinds them down. _ (Loud cheers.) You may have a difficulty in comprehending this matter. Yon find that you receive so much wages, so much money, and you find that it does not go so far as it ought to go. Of course as long as upon every article yourself and family consume you are compelled to pay certain sums to the revenue of the country, you cannot be in possession of those funds to expend for. the use of your family which it is your undoubted right to have. Therefore, I say, after looking after the franchise and the fair distribution of the representation, the next thing you have to consider is an equal system of taxation—a system under which the whole population shall contribute to the revenue in proportion to the advantages they derive. Well, then, there is one other point we must all look to, namely, the desirability of fair and equal land laws throughout the country—laws under which every° man may hope to acquire a home for his wife and for his children a home which he may leave to those whom he loves, and from whom death must separate him at last. (Cheers.) Well, that important end can only be obtained by fair and just land laws. In reference to that point, I •would say, especially in our dealings with the native population for the lands, we must take care that justice is done to them, and that justice is done to the whole European population. In illustration of what I mean I will say say this : supposing an extensive Native Department is established, and there are distributed native officers throughout the country—native officers here and native officers there—and that department is paid for by the taxation of the entire population of New Zealand ; then I say the entire population of New Zealand have a right to derive the full benefit which that department can bestow upon them. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) For example, if a departmsnt so employed and so distributed throughout the country, acquiring great influence over the native population, are allowed to use that influence, and purchase native lands for themselves, or for the friends of the Government, without warning to the whole population at large, I say that a gross injustice is done to the entire people of New Zealand. Such lands ought to be fairly open to the whole public, and the natives ought to get a fair price for them, and not be compelled to sell to some favored individuals. (Cheers.) Every man in New Zealand ought to have a fair right of acquiring land open to sale under such circtmstanoes ; and my friend, Mr. Sheehan, has announced that as the policy upon which he is determined to act. (Loud cheers). In having made that resolution, and having resolved to carry it out, I feel certain he will do as great a benefit to New Zealand as any other man has ever hitherto conferred upon it. (Three cheers were here given for Mr. Sheehan.) The day is late, and as there are others to speak, I must not detain you longer. I have pointed out to you you the leading questions which I think should occupy your minds—questions which I think you ou'dit all to aid myself and my colleagues in eudea-.oring to carry out. You may roly up -n this, that if you give us that aid, wo will avail ourselves of it and faithfully use every

effort for your good In the direction I have indicated. 1 believe if this is done, within a very short period of time you will find that the prosperity of New Zealand wil be vastly increased—that homes will .be obtained for thousands of families who cannot now get them, and that many things which you desire to attain, and cannot at present get, will be placed within your reach. In the open air, and at this hour of the day, it is impossible for me to speak to you on many points which I should have wished to mention; but I can only say this, that upon the general questions which I have brought under your notice, if you choose to take them up, you shall find in mo a firm and fast friend. (Loud cheers). I will further say, that in every respect in which myself and my colleagues can promote your local interests, and do so properly, you will find that we will do our utmost for you. (Cheers.) My own desire will be that this place, which really with a good deal of difficulty I acquired for the European race, shall attain to that prosperity that I believed it would reach when. I succeeded in gaining it for settlement by British subjects. (Cheers). If I can end my life in carrying out the dreams which I formed upon those hills, looking down over these' plains when they were a wild waste—when there was but a mission station here under Mr, Goienso, one European resident in the town, and no other persons occupying it—if the dreams I then formed of this great and fertile country come to be realised, and if in greater old age I come back and witness the realisation of those di earns, I shall experience the happiness of seeing that which X have’ wished for years to have seen brought about. (Sir George Grey resumed his seat amid enthusiastic and prolonged cheers).” Mr. Sheehan followed, warmly thanking the people for the cordial reception given to the Premier and himself, and concluded by saying that he trusted after their term of office was over they would not be ashamed to come back to Napier, and that they would meet with as hearty a reception as that just accorded to them. (Cheers.)