New Zealand Times. (PUBLISHED DAILY.) TUESDAY, DECEMBER 14.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXX, Issue 4597, 14 December 1875, Page 2

New Zealand Times. (PUBLISHED DAILY.) TUESDAY, DECEMBER 14.

Mr. Fox has not been idle since tie left New Zealand. We heard of him in the United States, next at the United Kingdom Alliance meetings in London, and we have a copy of the Dublin Evening Express, of October 19, before • us, in which he is reported, to .have spoken twice; —once in the Oak-room of the Mansion House, at the annual meeting of the Irish Association for Closing Public Houses on Sunday, and subsequently in the Round-room of the Rotunda at the public meeting held by the same association. Mr. Fox is not reported at any great length, but we find that he occupied a prominent position among the leaders of the movement on both occasions.

The Irish Association for Closing Public Houses on Sunday is distinct from the total abstinence movement promoted by the United Kingdom Alliance. Its members include abstainers and non-abstain-ers, and church dignitaries and clergymen of every denomination appear on the platform in its support." It is intended to promote a purely social reform ; and it -would have been successful in the Imperial Parliament, but for the opposition of the English brewers and publicans. In the paper before lis, more than ■ a column of solid type is occupied with short extracts of approval and pledges of support from members of Parliament who could not be present at the meetings. Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright wished the movementevery success. Mr. Lowe wrote—" Deference to what I " believe I understand to be the opinion " of Ireland on the question will make "me vote for the Bill. But my own " opinion as to its policy -will not allow "me to take any active part in its sup- " port." Mr. W. E. Foster wrote as follows :—" I beg to thank you for your "letter of the 16th inst., inviting me to " attend the meetings to be held in Dub- " lin to further the object of the Irish " Sunday Closing Association, and must " beg you to inform your friends that it is " not in my power to accept your invita-"-tion. I am sorry that the opinion of '' the House of Commons was not taken " last session on the Bill which was " brought forward, for which it was my " intention to vote." Other prominent members of the House of Commons wrote in very strong terms of the manoeuvre by which Mr. Disraeli got the Bill "talked out" last session, in deference to the request of the English licensed victuallers who interviewed him on the subject, although the Irish members were all but unanimous, and a large majority of the Irish people had memorialised the Imperial Parliament on the subject. The National memorial, presented to Mr. Disraeli from Ireland, praying for an alteration of the law with the view of closing public-houses on Sunday, bore the signatures of 1413 magistrates, 2484 clergymen, 744 physi-1 cians and surgeons, 1991 elected poor law guardians, 596 town councillors, and 453 merchants and employers of labor; mak- j ing a total of 7681 signatures. In addition, by the close of the Parliamentary session, nearly 1500 petitions had been presented, bearing 225,000 signatures. Prominent among the petitions presented was one from the city of Dublin, bearing 52,000 signatures, and another from the women of Ireland bearing 30,000.

Owing to the tactics of the Government this movement is assuming formidable political proportions. Tory members who voted squarely with Mr. Disraeli on every other question have denounced the Government on this point ; and Mr. Lewis, who won Londonderry for the Conservatives at the late election, and is a pet of the Premier's, is reported to have said that " he did not believe her Majesty's '' Government would persist in pursuing '' so perilous a course if the Irish members " remained true to themselves. He was "very much afraid that Irish interests " had been sacrafieed to the English " publican. He was obliged with humilia"tion to confess that he believed the " Government at the last moment made " up their mind to oppose the Bill for " fear of offending the English publicans. " He protested against that, if that was " so, not merely as the representative of " an Irish constituency, but as a,sup- " porter of the Government. If he " thought that the real great interests '' were to be continued to be sacrificed to " the views of what brandy, gin, or porter " might think, he would no longer enrol "himself among the supporters of the '' Government. The minister who boldly '' faced this question did that which a " Christian statesman should do." Now, notwithstanding what Mr. Lewis said, the Prime Minister of England was bound to give the go-by to every interest which went against the Licensed Victuallers. The terms of the compact between the Tory leader and the two great spiritual powers of England—the Established Church and the Established Publican — compelled him to resort to a trick to get rid of Professor Smyth's Bill. Twenty years ago the Scottish members carried the Sunday Closing Act, and if the Irish members now succeeded what guarantee had King Bung that he would reign undisturbed in England and Wales ; therefore the Irish publican must keep his bar open on Sundays, although in the town of Galway, the publicans, anticipating the law, had voluntarily closed their houses on Sunday. Speaking on the political aspect of the question, the Dean of the Chapel Royal, a high church functionary, said : He always felt himself privileged to speak freely on politics, because he never was a party politician, as he could not see that it mattered one Jack straw what party was in power—it did not make any difference to Ireland, except that one set of lawyers got places under one Government, and another set got places under the other. It was important, however, for them to see whether the Government was in favor of temperance legislation or not, and he said perish that party which set its face against such social reforms. England last session, through the Conservative party, did a politically besotted thing. The Irish member*, 42 against 10, and the Scotch members, 37 against a miserable minority of four, voted in favor of the Sunday closing; yet, by a majority of 208 English members, the united vote of Ireland and Scotland was overborne, and the voice of Ireland, which had, morally and politically, a right to be heard on this question, was made of no avail. Last year, by party tactics, the same thing was in effect repeated; but he did not believe that that sort of thing could easily be done again, for even Mr. Disraeli, with his strong Conservative majority, could not afford to contemptuously and cynicaUy disregard the voice of Ireland. He has done so already, and perhaps might do so again, until the day came when the Irish united vote on this question shaU turn the balance in the scale of parties. He had hopes that before that political necessity arose, a strong and renewed moral pressure brought to bear on all sides would carry the measure to a successful issue. A learned and acute judge of the land said to him the other day it was nothing short of a monstrous tyranny that when Ireland, speaking through her authorised representatives of all religious persuasions and parties, had declared for the measure, it should be withheld. They talked of the tyranny of long ago, but he (the Dean of the Chapel Royal) thought the tyranny of an accidental majority in another country was in this matter as gross and unwarrantable a tyranny as ever was practised in the old days of the pirates. (Cheera.) But in those days of successful tyranny, they had no enlightened public opinion, no free, outspoken Press, and, in face of these powers, he believed they must just wait-awhile, until, in the expressive words of the Psalmist, "This tyranny is over past." (Loud applause.) . v ; This was a key-note which Professor Smyth, M.P., took up with much ability. Mr. Smyth .is: a young.and exceedingly

able Presbyterian Minister, who wrested County Derry from the Tory magnates, and carried Mr. Lawson, Irish SolicitorGeneral in Mr. Gladstone's Government, into Parliament on his skirts. He is no Home Ruler any more than the Dean of the Chapel Royal, 'but he is a clearsighted and resolute man, who will not submit to tyranny of any kind if he can avoid it. His speech in the Rotunda was in some respects one of the ablest political addresses we have read for a long time, and as such a large question affecting domestic legislation must have" an interest for New Zealand colonists at the present time, we make the following extract :—> Ireland, and when he said Ireland he meant the maiority'of the Irish people—for as the country was governed by majorities he was not certain to know that every individual in the country was of opinion that publichouses should be closed on Sundays—the overwhelming majority of the people had been converted to that healthy'doctrine. That was not all that was needful. It was a great thing to have the country at their back, but then it was necessary to convert the House;of Commons.. That was no easy matter. When Sir Dominic Corrigan introduced the Bill he was outvotod by a large majority. In 1574 he (Professor Smyth) fared much worso, but when the question was brought before the House list session what happened! When English members saw that the Irish representatives voted four to one for the Bill they began to ask themselves could the Imperial Parliament exist very long if it set itself persistently to oppose Ireland in everything, for the simple reason that Ireland wanted that thing, and for no other reason. (Cheers). Theythercforedetermiuedthatwhen the subject came before the llouso again they would be just and generous to this.country, and perhaps ho might add, prudent as well. (Cheers). If there had been a division taken last session, undoubtedly the decision of the previous year would havo been reversed. They had converted' the House of Commons, but the Prime Minister was not converted. They had hoped that the Prime Minister would listen to Ireland on this question. Ireland presented a memorial such as was hardly ever presented before, and Ireland had her say; but the English publicans waited on the Prime Minister, and had their say also. Mr. Disraeli turned a deaf ear to Ireland and a hearing ear to the English publicans, and the Irish members were beaten by a manoeuvre, and only in that way, for the'Prime Minister could not induce many of Ins own followers to oppose the Hill, and among them was Mr. Lewis, member for Londonderry, who was now present. (Cheers.) It was well known that the Government whip induced Mr. Wheelhonso to talk it out. Let them put the saddle on the right horse—the responsibility for the rejection of this measure last session rested solely with the Government. The Bill did not lose its life in fair open battle : but by Parliamentary assassination. Irishmen were very justly condemned by Englishmen when they shot people from behind hedges, but what was to be said of an Englishman who planted himself behind the barricade of a Wednesday's standing order of the House of Commons, and from that ignoble covering destroyed a measure which he daro not face in the open day. (Cheers.) Ho wondered much whether tho Government was going to lend itself to that sort of thing again. Ha had nothing to say against the course adopted by the Chief Secretary for Ireland. Ho was not in the Cabinet. No, Ireland was to stand at tho top of the stairs during the present administration, but it was not alwavs so. Ireland got plenty of things she did not want. Would it not be worth while giving Ireland one of the things she did want. He said deliberately, Ireland was not an English parish, and if the Government was determined to turn Ireland into an English parish he was prepared to adopt another doctrine. (Cheers.) Some might consider it extreme, but he would put it to them in this form—lreland is not an English parish, Ireland is a nation. (Loud cheers.) So far as the Irish publichouso interest was concerned, thoy had very little difficulty. He had many good friends in the liquor dealers of this country who would not object if all the houses were closed on Sundays, But the difficulty lay with the publichouso interest on the other side of the water, and he was as tired of it as he possibly could be : and if the Government was determined to carry on this kind of thing, he was prepared to show that they had better run the risk of some other plan of governing Ireland in order that they might get out of tho debasement and disgrace—(loud cheers)—of being governed by the gin palaces and beershops of England. No matter what their political opinions or religious views were. Irishmen, as a whole, were determined that this country should not be trampled upon when its will has been expressed in a constitutional manner, when something was proposed that could not by any possibility do harm to England.

Thus we have a new impetus given to the Home Rule movement, by the difficulty of legislating in a satisfactory way for the constituent parts of the United Kingdom. Professor Smyth is the representative man of Ulster Presbyterians. He speaks their sentiments, and more than any other man in Parliament enjoys their confidence. Opinions such as he expressed at the Dublin meeting, surrounded by the most prominent men of the kingdom, of every religious profession, are significant of a change in the legislative work of the Imperial Parliament unless the Government are wise in time. Heretofore political mountebanks and impostors led what was styled "the "National party" by a section of the Irish Press ; but if men like Mr. Smyth adopt the Home Rule platform, the miserable political tricksters who now parade their impotence must give place, and the constitutional agitation that would follow would be such as no Government could resist. The Prime Minister of England, however, is not likely to push matters to this length. Better break with English publicans than with Irish Liberals. A remarkable fact was stated by the Chairman, Sir D. Comugan, Bart., in connection with the O'Connell centenary in Dublin. He said : There was another argument, the philanthropic argument ;—" Would you deny to the poor man or to the rich man who goes out his refreshment?" That was sufficiently answered by saying that whisky drinking was not refreshment. But. there was another practical and triumphant answer recently given by the people themselves. On the 6th August last, a great procession and public meeting took place in Dublin, in obedience to the call of the Lord Mayor, to commemorate the recollection of the Irish people of the services of O'Connell. Ha believed that not less than half a million of people thronged the streets that day. Well, if the allegation that refreshment was needed on Sundays could be sustained, a requisition should have been sent to the publicans of Dublin on the 6th of August, to double and treble their supplies of drink. What was the fact? The half-million of people sent a requisition to the publicans not to open their houses. The publicans obeyed, and no whisky was drunk during that long day, beginning as early as seven or eight in tho morning, and ending at Ave or six in the evening. That practical answer, he repeated, was given to tho assertion that when men were out of a Sunday they needed whisky. In conclusion, we may remark that we should not be surprised to hear that Mr. Fox has been returned to the House of Commons by the influence of the United Kingdom Alliance, should he seek Parliamentary honors. He is becoming one of the most prominent men of the party in England, and would be a decided acquisition to the House of Commons, which is overrun by mediocrity. Mr. Fox would also be an authority on colonial questions; and as a debater, he would have few superiors in the House. His long official training and knowledge of Parliamentary business would place him at once on a level with the most experienced members of the House of Commons.