Parliamentry Papers.

New Zealander, Volume XVIII, Issue 1712, 7 August 1862, Page 2

Parliamentry Papers.

INQUEST AT WANGANUL

The Coroner, Wanganui, to the Hon. the Attorney- General. Wanganui, 18th July, 1862. Sir, —I have the honor to forward herewith the Depositions and Inquisitiou iu the ease of au inquest held by me upo:i the body of an aboriginal Native who was killed, ou Monday last by a settler named William Lister.

You will doubtless ere this have heard of this case aud its probable termination, but as it might have involved serious consequences, and you may wish to have the fullest information at once, I have thought it my duty to forward the papers direct to yourself at Wellington instead of sending them as usual to your office at Auckland. Believing that there was a necessity for immediate action in the matter, to prevent by an open enquiry, the spread of erroneous statements by which the Native mind might be inflamed, as well as to meet the public wish, I determined to hold an inquest with the least possible delay, and consequently I summoned a jury partly from the town, and proceeded to Major Cooper's house about eight miles up the River, he kindly allowing me to hold the inquest here. I was accompanied by Mr. R. W. Woon, the Native Interpreter, who most willingly attended me, and rendered the most essential service, the Natives having very great confidence in him. There Avas a large concourse of Natives, to whom I explained the nature of the enquiry, and that it would be open to them to put any questions they might think proper—that the enquiry was usual amongst the white population, and would tend to a full understanding by all parties how the unfortunate death had occurred.

I am happy to say, I never saw any nam' her of Natives assembled upon any judicial proceedings who were so orderly, quiet, and attentive, evincing as they did at the same time deep interest in the matter: they were told that all the proceedings would be slated in Maori for the information of those present, which was done by Mr. Woon much to their satisfaction ; and, upon leaving to return to town, it was not without their unanimous declaration that the proceedings were fau*» open and proper, and that they attached bo blame to Lister.

■■^^ r \j tAi at his own wish, examined at where he still lives, and his $e h^P those assembled at the adat Wanganui, many of whom i°° r from the Wangaehu, where the dewere J° fr j en ds live> a „d they also in theceßS anner expressed their entire satissame of the course taken, and faction a Q deceased had brought death from his improper conduct. 08 -ri 8 creat anxiety of the Natives seemed A removal from the mind of the white to De Wli. jjea that there was a premeditated people nLjjfc in any wise sanctioned by might arise upon this Wftf jift I believe the object in view inq - been so fairly attained, I need not Srftotlieni, except by saying that, sura a as I was by difficulties of overy H. Ross, Coroner.

Enclosure 1.

Tnauisition taken for our sovereign lady ,i ftn«>n at the house of Isaac Rhodes & Mon the right bank of the Wanganui ' Xin the Wanganui District, and within the jurisdiction aforesaid, on the sixteenth L of July, in the twenty-sixth year of the rZn of our sovereign lady Victoria, by the S of God, of the United Kingdom of Treat Britain and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the Faith, before Hugh Ross, Esquire, Coroner for our lady the Queen for the said District on view of the body of Unukawa, otherwise Selwyn, an aboriginal native, now here lying dead; upon the oaths of Edwin Turner Woon (foreman), George Willis, Walter Jowett, Thomas Moreton, John Toole Charles William Broughton, John O'Neii Stephen Ralph Matthews, John Perse, Stephen Foreman, John William Liddie Daniel Smith, Charles Robinson, and We'stwater Small; the several persons whose unuieg- are hereunder written and seals affixed, good and lawful men of the said district, duly chosen, and who being now hero duly sworn and charged to inquire for our said lady the Queen, when, how, and by what means the said Unukawa, otherwise Selwyn, an aboriginal native, came to his death, do upon their oaths say: That the deceased Unukawa, otherwise Selwyn, on or about Monday, the fourteenth day of July instant, met with his death in consequence of injuries received from one William Lister, such injuries having beon inflicted by the said William Lister during a furious struggle with the deceased, and in defence of his own life. And the Jurors aforesaid, upon their oath, say that the said William Lister, him, the said Unukawa, otherwise Selwyn, in the defence of himself the said William Lister, in manner and by the means aforesaid, did kill and slay. In witness whereof as well the said Coroner as the Foreman and the rest of the s>id Jury have to this Inquisition set their hands and seals on the day and year and at the place first above written. H. Ross, Coroner.

Enclosure 2. Depositions taken and acknowledged on behalf of our Sovereign Lady the Queen touching the death of Unukawa, otherwise Selwyn, an aboriginal Native at the house of Isaac Khodes Cooper, Esquire, on the right bank of the Wanganui River in the District of Wanganui, on the Sixteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, before me, Hugh Ross, Gentleman, Coroner for the said District, on an Inquisition then and there taken on view of the body of Unukawa, otherwise Selwyn, then and there lying dead. Mokena, otherwise Karioe, an aboriginal Native, being cautioned to speak the truth, says,—l knew a Native Unukawa, otherwise Selwyn; I was out with him on Monday last in the day time on the other side of the river; I saw a man named Lister on the afternoon of that day; Unukawa and myself went upon the Europeans' land; he caught a pig and Unukawa killed it and tied its legs for me to carry; I carried it, and met Lister, who spoke to them, and Lister said, no good the Maori make a thief of my pig; Lister looked at the pig's ears and said, this is my pig; Lister then tried to shoot his dog but the gun missed fire; I then told Unukawa, you cany the pig, Unukawa said, no, I was to carry the pig, and Lister said so also; I continued to carry it, we were coming to Lister's house; Unukawa proposed to me to spear Lister, I said no, we shall get into trouble if we do; we went on until wo came to Lister's house, and he took the pig inside; Unukawa went into the house with Lister; I asked Unukawa to come away, he said no, let us go on with the white man ; Lister and Unukawa came out of the house to go to Jackson's, a white man that lives in the neighbourhood; Lister and Unukawa went in front, Mrs. Lister and I followed; they went over a hill, and thon unukawa spoke tome again and said, let this "MO be speared; I said no, it would not be ri ght, we shall be wrong, it is good for the white man to summon me; this was repeated; Unukawa then said, you are ono with the white man, and presently I will cut your head for you: I said, I have no more to say |° you, act according to your own thoughts; I heard thi white man Cl 7 out > at tDat timo they were out of my sight on the descent of the .Ml; when I saw them first after this I »aw Lister moving his shoulder as if in pain, and Unukawa was behind him with a spear "t his hand; the spear was a stick with a file tied to the head of it; Lister levelled his P'ece at Unukawa, but both barrels missed J r «; Lister hud been speared at this time, I fe now it by his moving about and crying out with the pain; Unukawa then seized Lister, Knocked him down and got him under ; water turned him over and got Unukawa Under j this happened twice; then they got U P ajd struggled together, each having hold ot the other's head; I ran up to separate jaem, and as I ran up my tomahawk fell rom m y hand; 1 did not come close to them tO , Put my hands upon them; Mrs. Lister \ J™ by the hair of the head, and I said, , ffio 8° and I will go away, but sho did not, j we struggled together and fell down, and Put my foot upon her shoulder and breast J u<l got away ; I then looked at Lister and unukawa, and Lister was on the top of him triking hi m . j gaw three blowß giveil w ith e "atchet, and then I ran away to my own jome where my mother was; I told my mother at Unukawa had speared the white man; Relieve that if Unukawa had got the better • I tho wb -ito man ho would have killed him; was a very fierce struggle; I did not see tte «Pear afterwards. sor~!S tm h !> Geor </c King, Maori Astestold r Perßou that I know of P rom P ted or u Uuka Wft to commit a murder, it was uo »oofhj 8 own evil heart,

Question by Wiari, a Native Chief— Unukawa did not propose to me to kill pigs on the white man's land, or to murder a white man j I only knew that we were to go and catch pigs; Unukawa proposed it; I did not know a white man was there. By the Coroner—l do not believe the white man was speared from any malice, but for fear of being summoned for stealing pigs. Mokena, x mark. Witness to mark, Richard Watson Wook, _ , , n Native Interpreter. laken before me the 16th day of July, 1862, H. Rosa, Coroner. Enclosure 3.

John Batty Tuke, of Wanganui, Surgeon, being sworn, states: I am a Surgeon and Doctor of Medicine: I have this day examined the body of an aboriginal Native lying dead on the opposite side of the river; I did so this day in the presence of the jury; I found an extensive fracture of the right temple bone, extending backward behind the ear to the occipital bone, the continuation of that fracture going through a part of that bone; there is a branch fracture of the right temple bone at about right angles with the longer fracture, and also a fracture of the left occipital bone of a smaller extent than the other behind the left ear, and a fracture of the lower jaw ; the face was a good deal contused on the left side, a few scratches about the legs, but no other injury that i observed ; either of the wounds on the skull would have, in my opinion, produced death, and lam of opinion are the cause of death in this case; the wounds have neeu inflicted with a blunt instrument, because the scalp was not cut; such a wound would be caused by a blow of the back of a hatchet or tomahawk; in all common probability either of the wounds on the skull would have caustd immediate insensibility; I know a man of the name of Leicester who was living in this neighbourhood; I believe he is now in the Colonial Hospital at Wanganui; I was called to attend him last Monday night at Mr. Buckthought's, near his own abode; it was about 10 o'clock at night; he was suffering from a punctured wound iu the back between the left shoulder blade and the spine; the direction of the wound was downwards and forward; the depth of the wound is about an inch and a-half, and from a alight escape of air through the wound I feel certain the lungs have been injured, but 1 think slightly; I do not think auything very serious will result from it; it would cause severe pain; there was a considerable effusion of blood, it was a triangular wound; I have seen a spear outside the Court with a wood rasp upon it made of iron or steel, and I think such an instrument would have produced such a wound; it is a wound that might produce inflammation of the lungs, iu which case it would be dangerous, but I do not apprehend it. John B. Tuke. Sworn before me, the) 16th of July, 1862. ] 11. Ross, Coroner.

Enclosure 4. William Lister (hereinbefore called Leicester) being sworn stated:—On Monday last I met in my neighbourhood two Natives, one of them carrying a dead pig : I looked at the pig and found it was mine, and told him so; I asked them to carry it to the house, they did so. I was ahead, they followed me to the house ; I said they must go to Mr. Jackson's to talk the matter over, as I did not understand Maori: my wife, myself, and the two Maoris, then went from my house towards Jackson's; I was in front with the Maori; we went over a very steep hill, and as I was going down in front I felt a spear (which the Maori was carrying) driven into my back; when I felt myself wounded I levelled my gun at him, but the gun missed fire; the Maori then rushed on me and downed me, and called to the boy for the tomahawk; he had me down for some time struggling with me; I was under at first, but I managed to'get him under, and held him by the hair; I then saw the tomahawk lying near me: I got hold of it and struck him with it, I cannot say how often ; the boy had fallen on the top of me, but my wife pushed him off; I did not intend to kill the Maori, but I wished to disable him from hurting me; I have no doubt if the Maori could have overpowered me, he would have killed me ; I did not know the Maori; I struck the Maori on the head I believe, I was confused and cannot say; there had been no quarrel between the Maori and myself before he speared me; we were going to Jackson's to talk the matter over, I was in great pain from the wound, and lost a great deal of blood ; I think if the tomahawk had not come to my hand at the time the Maori would have overpowered me; I was getting weak from the loss of blood ; I swear solemnly that I did not intend to kill the Maori, and that what I did was only to preserve my own life ; and it in by my own wish that I make this declaration; the Maori was not dead when I left him, but he was lying on the ground. When I got to Jackson's I told him what had occurred as nearly as I can recollect, the same as I have told the Jury ; I had the gun with me when I first met the Maoris ; there was a conversation between the Maori and the Maori boy, but I did not understand it; the boy kept behind with my wife, and the Maori repeatedly^called him to come up and kept stopping for him ; I had no idea until I was speared that the Maori intended any harm to me. William Lister. Sworn before me, the ) 17th day of July, 1862. f H. Ross, Coroner.

Copy of Despatch from Governor Sir George Grey to His Grace the Duke oj Newcastle. Government House, Auckland, 9th October, 1861. My Lord Duice,—l have the honor to transmit for your Grace's information copies of three papers which have been laid before mo by the New Zealand Ministers since I havo assumed the Government of this Colony. 2 The first details the position ot the Colony at the present date; the second a Memorandum on the machmery of this Gover.ment for Native purposes; the third, is a Memorandum to show that the existing form of Government will suffice to meet the emergency which now exists in the Colony. 3. Your Grace will, I am sure, peruse these three Papers with great interest; and will aeree with me in thinking that the calmness aSd moderation of the views expressed in them at a time of considerable excitement are very creditable to the inhabitants of. Hew Zealand, and afford every hope that, in as far as the European population is concerned, I may arrive at a settlement of ths existing difficulties,

in which they will generally heartily and cordially co-operate Such a settlement, completed with their aid and with their assistance, will be much more satisfactory than any arrangement which I could carry out by my individual will. 4. Regarding the sentiments of a considerable portion of the Native population, I am not yet so well satisfied, and I fear that the views expressed in the last despatch of my predecessor on this subject may prove to have been too sanguine. 5. I have had frequent and anxious consultations with the Ministers regarding the future ; and if the present crisis is got over, and peace established, I think I see my way quite clearly to the introduction of plans which will completely and lastingly set upon a proper footing the interests and mutual relations of the Native and European races. I am unwilling to speak too confidently on so extremely difficult a subject, and I desire to say nothing that seems rash or presumptuous : but if peace be established, I really think I can shortly introduce institutions which will satisfactorily solve the whole question, and establish Her Majesty firmly in the affections of Her Native subjects in New Zealand. 6. But the re-establishment of peace will be very difficult. Two of the three parties of Natives we were treating with have arrogantly and contemptuously refused the terms proposed by my predecessor, and the third party have already broken the terms they seemed to have accepted. 1 have declined, at present, to offer any terms to the Waikato Natives, leaving to themselves the commencement of the matter. My main hope at present is, that if I make no demand or threats, they may possihly, from a a feeling of personal regard to myself, do all we could hope for : but they are so exasperated, sullen, desperate, and anxious to avenge the death of the Chiefs they have lost, as they believe under circumstances of injustice, that I cannot now with any confidence calculate upon the Chiefs I was so intimate with being able to control the feelings of their tribes, and to lead them in the direction we should desire. I have, &c, G. Grey. His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, K.G.

Minute by Ministers on the Position of the Colony at the date of t/ie arrival of Sir George Grey : chiefly in relation to the Native Insurrection. Auckland, Bth October, 1861.

Ministers assume that Sir George Greyhas been put in possession of all information which had reached the Home Government down to the sth of June last, which would include the events in the month of March, or possibly to the beginning of April. It is unnecessary to offer any comments on the origin or progress of the Taranaki war, with the particulars of which Sir George Grey is no doubt fully acquainted to the above date. Actual fighting ceased on the 13th or 14th of March last; the Waikato contingent returned home, accompanied by Wirernu Kingi and a few followers ; whilst Hapurona, Kingi's fighting general, and a portion of the Ngatiawas, submitted themselves and accepted the terms of peace offered by the Governor. The Ngatiruanuis and Taranakis also returned home, aud the British force, with the exception of one Regiment, were removed to Auckland. There were three distinct offers of terms of peace by the Governor to the different tribes who had been engaged in the insurrection. Ist, those addressed to the Ngatiawas: 2nd, those addressed to the Ngatiruanuis and Tarauakis : 3rd, those addressed to the Waikatos.

The first have been subscribed by a portion of the Ngatiawas, including Hapurona, but not Kingi. But although a cessation of hostilities has resulted, the terms imposed on the nativos have not been fulfilled. The second have been rejected. Tho third were laid before a very large Runanga of Waikatos at Ngaruawahia on the 7th June last. The reply of the Runanga neither accepts nor rejects, but suggests that tho Governor should give time for discussion and consideration. A letter from Wiremu Tamehana, the leader of the King movement, of the same date, rejects the terms; but he subsequently addressed another letter to tho Governor, June 7th, of a less argumentative and positive character. Thompson cannot be regarded as the mouthpiece of the Waikato tribe as a whole, though he probably represents, or at least at that time represented, the sentiments of a majority, and exercises much influence both in Waikato and elsewhere. A brief memoir which appeared in a late Auckland paper, illustrates his position at this crisis. It was written by a gentlemau who has had peculiar opportunities of making himself acquainted with the subject. Owing to tho lateness of the season and the unprecedented wetness of the winter, all military movements have been necessarily suspended from the period of the return of the Waikatos to their own country. It is understood, however, to have been the intention of Governor Browne to insist on the submission of that tribe, and their acceptance of the terms offered to them in May.

Early in July a change of Ministry took place. A prominent feature of tho policy of the new Ministry consisted in their desire to set on foot negociations with the natives, of a practical character, by personal communication ; in the hope that amicable discussion might lead to a peaceful solution of the difficulties in which the relations of the Government and the natives were involved. Tho Ministry proposed that a preliminary meeting should be held between Tamehana and some of the Ministry, at Tuakau, and then, if thero proved to be a prospect of a satisfactory result, that Tamehana should meet the Governor at Auckland or elsewhere. These views met His Excellency's concurrence. Replies were sent to Tamehana, intimating that the desired meeting should shortly take place.

Matters were in this state when the announcement of the appointment of Sir George Grey led to the suspension of ail important measures connected with the natives, either of a military or diplomatic character. The attitude of tho Waikatos is at present one of suspense. Thoy say that they will not give up the King movement, that tho appointment of Sir George Grey as Governor will not induce them to succumb; they must hoar what he has to say. They will remain quiescent. They do not wish to fight; but if they are attacked, they will fight to tho last man. These arc probably tho statements of a majority of the tribo; but there is a considerable section of them who are opposed to tho King movement, and other tribes elsewhere, partho Ngapuhis and Northern natives; and some of them are reported to be exerting themselves to induce others to abandon it. It is probable, however, that if war should ensue, the bulk of the native population to the

Southward of Auckland would gradually drift into it.

The Waikatos are the backbone of the present great movement; whether called the King movement, or known by any other symbol. The Kingship is not, in the opinion of Ministers, an essential ingredient in that movement, further than as a rallying cry, and as representing in some degree ideas of selfgovernment and separate nationality. But many of the other tribes which support the movement and call themselves Kingites, would admit of no claim to supremacy on the part of the Waikatos.

Their views on the subject of the great agitation which has been going on for some years are probably not well defined; but the pervading idea of the bulk of those who support the movement aims' at independence and freedom from interference on the part of the British government. It is less an idea of collective national independence, than a desire of the different sections of population to be let alone as they are, to manage their own affairs after their own fashion; and if, as between them and us, they should achieve the independence they aim at, its immediate result would be a struggle for supremacy and intertribal hostilities among the several sections of which the confederacy is made up. They further imagine, that while they suffer from interference with their liberty of action on the part of our Government, they derive no substantial benefit or protection from its paternal care. The Government, they say, does not suppress crime except where a European is concerned. On the other hand, they point to the result of their own rude efforts at the establishment of institutions, including in many places judicial tribunals, as having already produced practical fruits of better government than our institutions, as hitherto worked, have conferred on them. How the Runauga has worked, see Mr. Fen ton's journal of 1857, the Report of the Waikato committee and letter from Waikato settler, appended. In addition to this desire for law,' order, and social elevation, jealousy on the subject of their lands has been a very strong motive in creating this movement. They are dissatisfied with the present system of land purchasing, and suspicious that the solo aim of the Government is to induce them to sell their land; and whatsoever may be the merits of the Taranaki case, there is no doubt it has contributed very greatly to the groAvth of this feeling.

The foundations of the King movement may then be summoned up in a few words. They are a desire for good government, a conviction that our rule docs not give it, jealousy on the land question, and certain crude ideas of independence.

Ministers are persuaded, that had the task of patiently framing and embodying suitable institutions (commenced some four or five years ago) been persevered in, shape might have been given to the natives' confused ideas, and their acquiescence secured in some general system of government, which might have strengthened the bond of union between the two races. The lapse of time, and still more the Taranaki war, have not only rendered this task much more difficult in itself, but created or developed an inflammable aud dangerous temperament in the native mind which a very small spark may at any moment cause to break out into a blaze. This, however, only makes the task more difficult, not altogether hopeless.

Tho natives of New Zealand are, as Sir George Grey is aware, a deliberative people. Deeply impressed with the value of the King movement, which embodies at present the one political idea of the race, they are not likely to abandon it, unless some more attractive and at the same time solid substitute is offered. To give practical effect to what is good in that movement, by institutions adapted to their habits and capacities, while at the same time we persuade the natives to reject whatever in it may be antagonistic to the authority of the British Government, ought to be our aim. To effect this, time and forbearance and tho personal action of tho highest officers of ■the Government, are necessary conditions.

It has been argued that direct communication between the Governor and the Waikatos at this crisis would not bo consistent with the dignity of the Crown, that no further overtures on our side can be made, that the terms already offered must be unconditionally accepted, or that submission must be enforced with the sword.

If we were dealing with a civilized people, long accustomed to the usages of great nations, and versed in tho rules of international law, such arguments might have weight. But when we consider that theNewZealanders are a people barely emerged from barbarism, and groping their way from darkness to light, for tho most part without help, it is not towards them that such au argument should be used. Nor should it be forgotten that they are British subjects ; a character which imposes upon us the obligation to win, rather than to enforce, their allegiance,. They have of late year attained a remarkable appreciation of tho advantages of law and order, as administered and maintained by themselves. It wants but little more to induce them to accept at our hands a better law, and more perfect order; not confined solely to their own social wants, but involving the proper regulation of those relations which spring from the juxtaposition of the two races, and which can only be harmonized under tho rule of one supreme head extending its protection equally to both.

A resort to force in the case of the Waikatos will almost to a certaiuty involve all the tribes South of Auckland. " The first shot fired in Waikato," Governor Browne said on a late occasion, " will be the signal for a general rising." On the other hand, many of the tribes alluded to, who would make common cause with tho Waikatos in case of war, are far from being so wedded to the King movement as not to be open to be detached from it by persuasion and argument. Only a small part of the natives have been in overt insurrection ; except the Ngatiruanuis and Tarauakis, no whole tribe has been committed. Such of the Waikatos as took part iu the Tarauaki war, did so on their own individual responsibility, and not as the result of any tribal action. Admitting that these individuals and tho Ngatiruanui and Tarauaki tribes have placed themselves iu a position to justify severe treatment, why should the larger part of tho Waikatos, and all the other tribes who have taken no part in the insurrection, bo included in tho same sentence.

Tho object of Ministers in this memorandum is not so much to suggest to Sir George Grey tho course to bo pursued, as to put him in possession of the facts of tho case at the

present moment. It may not, however,*be out of place if they indicate certain courses of action which might suggest themselves as those to be pursued. , Ist. There is the assumption of a position resting on the demand of unconditional submission to the terms already offered, or to any other of a similar character. It will be inferred from what has already been said, that this is not recommended.

2nd. The Governor might place himself in direct communication with the insurgent natives, condone them for their past conduct, give them assurance of a desire to meet their wishes, and yield whatever they might ask. This is a course not to be recommended.

3rd. The Governor might instal himself at Auckland without making any direct overture to the insurgents. It is pretty certain that before long he would be visited by many of the most influential chiefs belonging to or connected with the Waikatos; indeed, with all the other tribes. Friendly communications with them in a spirit of firmness and conciliation accompanied by acts of personal kindness, would result in their return to their tribes in a temper which would probably go far to promote a pacific solution of difficulties. Sir George Grey would have in the meantime the opportunity of making himself fully acquainted with the position of the question, and arranging his own plans for the future. Then will be the time for direct personal communication with the larger bodies of natives.

Sir George Grey will find the circumstances of the Colony greatly changed since the period of his previous administration. Whilst its resources are greatly increased its weak points are multiplied also. Large districts, remote from towns, have been occupied by considerable populations more or less scattered, but all substantially unprepared for self-defence in case of a general insurrection. In the Province of Auckland the city, and the out-settlers as far as Otahuhu at least, might be considered as pretty safe within the military lines; while the Northern parts of the Province lie among friendly Natives. The whole population of the Province of Hawke's Bay, however, numbering between 2000 and 3000 souls, is scattered over an area of some three millions of acres, on isolated sheep farms, the homesteads on which are generally several miles apart. In the Wairarapa district of the Province of Wellington, are some 2000 souls, being partly on runs or in small farm communities of 200 or 300 souls each; and intermixed with a body of Natives several hundreds in number, who can be reinforced by thousands at a few hours notice from Hawke's Bay, Manawatu, Taupo, and other districts. In and about Wanganui scattered over an area of somewhere about a million acres, are from 2000 to 3000 souls, accessible by large bodies of Natives. All these populations have large quantities of live stock, extensive cultivations, farm buildings, mills, and other fixed but destructible property.

The Natives also are much changed within the last seven years. The political agitation already referred to, has done much towards making them forget old feuds, and united them to a great extent in a common cause. They are also much better prepared for war than formerly. In 1857 the restrictions which Sir George Grey imposed on the sale of arms and ammunition were released to an extent which may be said to have thrown the sale open. According to an estimate based on Custom House returns, the Natives expended on arms and ammunition during the succeeding three years a sum approaching, if it did not exceed, £50,000. This may seem almost incredible. It is a fact, however, that small parties of Natives have purchased at one time whole tons of powder.

While, therefore, the supplies in the hands of the Natives are insignificant compared with our resources, and insufficient for any lengthened operations, and have been no doubt lessened by the expenditure on the Taranaki war, they are undoubtedly sufficient to cany destruction into all the settlements of this islond.

The King party is so organised in the island, that in case of war commencing in Waikato or elsewhere, on the basis of the King movement, but a short time would elapse before concentrated attacks would be made on every district occupied by Europeans. It need hardly be said what would be the result in the way of destruetion of life and property. Governor Browne stated that 20,000 troops would not enable him to do more than protect the centres of population. At least half, probably two-thirds, of the population South of Auckland would be atk the mercy of Natives.

As regards the military resources of the Colony for aggressive purposes, the Governor will no doubt receive full information from the Lieutenant-General. It is sufficient here to state that there are a little over 6000 troops in the Colony; of these, one regiment is at Taranaki, four hundred men at Wanganui, four hundred at Hawke's Bay, and three hundred at Wellington. The remainder are concentrated around Auckland.

As regards colonial defences, there are, a militia partially but very insufficiently organized, and a few volunteer corps. These bodies can at best be looked to as a protective force of a character purely local, the existing law not allowing of their " mobilization" to a distance of more than thirty miles. They are very inefficiently supplied with arms and ammunition, and very imperfectly trained, while the organization of the force requires an entire change. A Report of a joint Committee of both Houses of the Legislature is appended, which will throw some light on this subject. The Governor's attention is particularly called to the Resolutions of the House of Representatives referred to in that report, and also to a Memorandum of an interview between Governor Browne and a deputation of Wellington members ou the subject of the defence of that Province, a copy of which is annexed. Another point to which the attention of the Governor ought to be directed, is the impossibility of providing places of refuge for the women and children in case of a general war. From 15,000 to 20,000 of these would have to be provided with house-room and food, in towns already over-crowded, and no means of making such provision exists without very considerable warning beforehand.

The foregoing remarks have reference to our relations with the Natives, and the policy towards them in general. There are, however, some special circumstances which will demand Sir George Grey's serious attention. The present state of the Tarauaki settlement is this:-—The main body of the troops

■ > '( ill.' . .|. ..n j— h - ~.--. have (as already stated) been withdrawn. The place is no garrisoned by a single regiment, the principal part of which is stationed in the town or its immediate neighbourhood; a small party being stationed in a blockhouse at the Waitara, on the land which has been the subject of dispute. This place ia almost cut off from communication with the town, and is a position of considerable risk in case of war. The militia at Taranaki has been called out, and is on actual service under proclamation of martial law. There is also « small but very effective corps of Volunteers. Many settlers and their families have left the place. During actual hostilities a large number of women and children were removed to Nelson. But many of them have returned. The ordinary industrial occupations of the settlement have been for the most part abandoned or suspended. The farms are in general left uncultivated, and much of the land is returning to the state of nature, and is being overrun with Scotch thistles, and gorse from the fences. The farm houses and buildings, except close to the town, have been destroyed.

The Ngatiruanui and Taranaki Natives remain in a state of passive insurrectionary sullenness: —refuse submission to the terms proposed—retain possession of large quantities of the settlers' stock, carried off during the war—have stopped the mail though carried by Natives—and threaten death to all Europeans who venture beyond certain lines, so that no one dare travel beyond a few miles from the Town of New Flymouih on the one side, or Wanganui on the other. The Tataraimaka block, purchased from the Natives, and which has been parcelled out into thriving farms, for the most part under cultivation, may now be said to be practically in the possession of the insurgents. The homesteads of the settlers, their fences and cultivations, have been destroyed: and no settler will incur the risk of going on his own land. In fact, the Natives boast that they hold the land by right of conquest. This state of things cannot, in the opinion of Ministers, be suffered to continue. As regards the policy to be pursued in reference to.the settlement of Taranaki, several courses are open.

1. Matters may be left as they are; in which case the settlement will by degrees dwindle away. Settlers will abandon it, particularly with the temptation of neighbouring gold-fields presented to them. It will become practically a military post, but to be mainiained at heavy cost, with no definite object; for the restoration of the settlement under such circumstances would be hopeless. 2. It may be abandoned altogether: —a suggestion which would not, it is imagined, be for a moment entertained. In fact to abandon it, would involve a loss of prestige dangerous to the colony generally. 3. Vigorous measures may be taken to reestablish our position. And this appears to Ministers the true policy. If there must be a war, it is better far that it should be at Taranaki than elsewhere. For whatever mischief could be inflicted oh British settlements by a state of war, has been done there. The penalties of war have been already paid. Besides this, the case of the Ngatiruanui and Taranaki Natives is the one which presents the fewest grounds of sympathy with other Natives. They engaged in the quarrel without provocation, and were guilty of gross outrages. Their present attitude is one of such open hostility, as in the eyes of well affected Natives themselves would not merely justify, but demand on our par t active measures against them, and retribution for the wrongs done. Added to this, if operations were carried on with a view to open up and establish military communication by roads between Taranaki and Wanganui, such operations would be attended with some facilities, and in the end with great patent advantages. Ministers are of opinion (so far as they can presume to offer an opinion involving military considerations) that firm and decisive action should be taken in this direction. They believe the effect would be in no long space of time to bring the Ngatiruanuis and Taranakis * into submission. The settlement of Taranaki might then, in the end, be re-established on a safer basis, and enabled to recover and extend itself.

It is not improbable that hostile operations in the Taranaki country would draw towards it some portions of the Natives of other districts. Such a possible result would not, in the opinion of Ministers, be a sufficient reason against the course of action which they recommend.

The time and manner of commencing such operations would require distinct consideration. The first object appears to be, as far as possible, to win back the allegiance of the bulk of the Native people, and to place the settlements in an effective position of defence. Ministers do not apprehend any aggressive movements on the part of the Natives as" likely to result from the course which they recommend, except against the settlements of New Plymouth and Wanganui. There appears to Ministers no inconsistency in dealing with the main body of the Natives, the Waikatos in particular, with a gentle and even friendly hand, and endeavouring by all legitimate means to recall and attach them to us; and at the same time assuming a stern and decisive attitude towards the Ngatiruanuis and Taranakis, with a view to compel from them material guarantees for their future good behaviour. One other topic requires to be brought under Sir George Grey's consideration: namely, the recent gold discoveries as affecting Native policy. The fact of paying gold-fields existing in New Zealand is now placed beyond a doubt. The auriferous district extends through the Northern and Middle Island from Cape Colville downwards. Already there are signs of a large influx of population, directed at present to the Otago gold-fields, but which will in all probabability spread to the Northern Island, particularly in the direction of Coromandel. What may be apprehended is, lest gold-seekers should force themselves into Native districts against the will of the Native owners, the result of which would probably be a collision between the races, leading to fresh political complications. It will, in the opinitn of Ministers, be the duty of Government to guard against the risk by all means in their power. If the Natives could be prevailed upon to open their country to gold mining enterprise, the political difficulty would be solved, whilst at the same time the material interest of the colony, and of the European and Native races, would be advanced. This subject, however, will scarcely demand much attention at present, unless richer gold-fields shall be discovered in the Northern Island than have hitherto been found. WillumFox.

The following Return

The accompanying Return is furnished, for the purpose of enabling.His Excellency to form ah approximate idea of the quantity of arms and ammunition in the hands | of, the Natives. Judging by the very small importation, into. the Middle, Island,: where the Native pppplution is insignificant, it may.be assumed that, nearly, the, whole of the arms and ammunition imported into the Northern Island would, ultimately find their way into the bands of the Natives. , And in practice it is known that the Europeans (previously, at all events, to : the Taranaki war),: have been very little in the habit of buying, arms or ammunition. for their, own use. Another object Jn furnishing, this Return is to shew, the immense impetus given to the trade in arms and ammunitipn by the removal of thp imposed by Sir George Grey and released by Governor Browne in 1857. , The increase in, thp. years 1857-8, and 9, as compared with 1854-5, and 6, isap average of more than 1000 per cent, as tested by. the value of the articles} the only safe test, 1 regard.being had to. the miscellaneous character of the parcels in which they are usually introduced. ThpCustom House valuation is not more than half the actual rate at which thp articles in question find their way into thp hands,of the retail purchaser,. Jt is evident, therefore, that since the relaxation of the restrictions in 1857, the natives have expended not much, if any, less than £50,000 on arms and ammunition. ' William Fox. ,' ■' ■ i No. 2. Minute by Ministers, on the Machinery of Government for Native purposes in Existence at the date of Sir George Grey's arrival. ' Auckland, Bth October, 1861. 4 The ; Cpnstitutipn, Act, which, in other respects confers pn, the, colonists the fullest powers of. managing all the domestic affairs of the colpny, makes.three exceptions in reference .to matters connected with thp Natives. Ist, It gives, to,the Crown power to define native districts; within which, as between nations, their own laws and custpms shall prevail. such, district has hithprtp been set apart, and sp.,far. this exceptional clause of the Constitution has been inoperative. . 2nd. The power of extinguishing the title of the. natives in the waste lands is reserved to the Crown. . i,.,-,.. .

3rdly. A CivUList of £7,000 is resexve&ibr native purposes; but the. «pecific appropriation of,, that amount to particular objects of native ; service seems to be within tb# function of the, Assembly* These being the only points on which any exceptions are made from the powers of selfgovernment conferred.by the Constitution Act on the Assembly, it seems a reasonable conclusion that the.'general administration and,control of native affairs, in all other particulars except the three above-mentioned are as far as the Constitution Aft is concerned, vested in the Assembly, As regards the right of legislation, on native affairs,, the Assembly hag; always claimed,and exorcised it, subject only.to the same vetos,of the Governor and of Her Majesty as on all other matters. But as regards the executive administration of j affairs relating to the natives,, au exception .has been made from the practice:established,in reference tp the other .departments of. Government , It igthis-r-. ->i : ' | On the introduction of responsible government in all matters in 1 $56, Governor Browne made it & sin* qua now< that.ho should retain in his own hands the administration of, native affairs. The following memoranda, by which the relations of the Govompj-, towards his ministers were established, explain the position, which he assumed to himself, in the matter., ~,...

''The view the Governor,takes, ofjthe relations between himself and his Responsible Advisers is as follows;-*»

"Ist* In all makers under the control of the Assembly, the Governor should be guided by the advice of gentleman responsible to that body, whether it is or is not in accordance with- his own opinion on the subject in question. ?i2nd. On matters affecting the: Queen's prerogative and Imperial interests generally, the Governor will be happy to receive their advice, but when he differs from them in opinion, he will (if they desire it) submit their views to the consideration of Her Majesty's Secretary of State, adhering to his own until an answer is received.

"Among Imperial, subjects the Governor, includes all dealings with the Native tribes, more especially in the negotiation of purchases of land. He will receive and act on the advice of his Responsible Advisers in reference to the amoum of money they may desire to have expended in any one year in'the purchase of land,, but beyond this he considers himself bound to act on his own responsibility. | : " The Governor alone is responsible to Hqr Majesty for the tranquility of the Colony, which would be endangered by the ordinary and inevitable change of opinions consequent on a change in his advisers. « "It follows, as a nec:?sa.y sonsequence of these views, that the Chief Laad Purchase Commissioner and his subordinates must take their orders from the Governor alone."

There was a strong disinclination among many members of the House of Representatives to concur in the retention by the Gqvernor of the administration of Native affairs: but the desire for Responsible Government in other matters induced thereto forgo their objections, and the, terms proposed by the Governor were finally accepted by the majority, and have been acted upon ever since. ■ The result is, that, while on all other subjects the Responsible Ministers are the sole advisers of the.. Governor, and exercise the entire executive functions of the Government, on Nativo affairs the Governor has, in addition to Jiis, Ministers, another adviser, his }tfatiye Secretary, who is not a Responsible Minister, npr. under the control of Responsible Ministers,hut.whoexercisesabsolutely(subjeot only to instructions from the Governor himself) all the executive functions of Government in relation to.Native affairs.

The Lapd Purchase Department, which pxists under the reservations in the Constitution Act, is also in the same position. The Governor, consults his .Responsible Ministers to the limited extont specified in the Memorandum of; 1856, but also j consults without limitation the Land Purchase Commissioner, who is not a Responsible Minister, but to whom is further intrusted the practical function of. negotiating for a,nd effecting the purchase of waste land?..

. Sir George Grey will recollect, that during his previous administration the two departments of Native, Secretary and Land Purchase Commissioner were kept, separate; the former having been filled successively by Mr. Dillon, Captain Symonds, and Major Nugent; the latter only by Mr. McLean, Mr. Mantell, and others. In 1856* the two departments were amalgamated by the union of the two offices of Native Secretary and Chief Land Purchase Commissioner, in the person of Mr. McLean. A prominent result of this union, of the political function of the Government with its commercial functions as land purchaser, has been the creation in the Native mind of a suspicion that all the acts of the Government originate in a desire to get possession of their land. They have learned to look upon the Government as a gigantic land broker, and every attempt made by it either to improve their social condition or to control them by the necessary restriction of law, is supposed to have for its ultimate object the acquisition of territory. This feeling to a great extent lies at the foundation of the unsatisfactory relations at present existing between the Natives and the Government.

The House of Representatives, on two separate occasions in the last two Sessions, unanimously condemned the fusion of the two departments. See Resolutions Sess. Pap. 1860, 1861. Mr. McLean in May last was called upon by the Governor to resign the Native Secretaryship, and from that date the two offices may be considered disconnected. It will bo some time, however, before the effects of their combination will be effaced from, the minds of tho.Natives.

; In the session of the Imperial Parliament of 1860, an attempt was made, without any previous communication with the General Assembly of-the Colony, to take from the Responsible Ministers the little power which remained to them in Native affairs under the Memoranda of 1856. This it was proposed to effect by establishing a Native Council of advice, and partly of administration, to act altogether independently of the Responsible Government. The Act, after passing the House of Lords, was however withdrawn by Jlpr Majesty's Government. But when the Assembly received an intimation of its being before Parliament, an attempt was made by them to meet the,views of the Homo Government to a certain extent, by the creation of a Native Council of advice, but, at the same time subordinating all the. executive.functions of the Government to the Responsible Ministers. The Bill was not very popular either in the House of Representatives or out of doors; but what reconciled many of its somewhat unwilling supporters, was the prospect it held out of .getting, rid of the independent and irresponsible action of I the Native Secretary's Department; which, if it continued to exist at all,; would 'do so in subordination to the Responsible Ministry, and would in fact be converted into, that of an Assistant Secre r tary and clerks of the Native, Minister. Tho Act passed the Assembly, and was reserved for Her Majesty's assent. A despatch re r ceived by the .last mail states that Her Majesty's assent is withheld till Sir George Grey shall report.

Ministers aro bound to state that they regard the existence of the Native Secretary's Department, freo as it is from all control on the part of the Responsible Ministry, as a very serious evil. While its existence paralyses all independent and vigorous action on the. part of tho Ministry, it is itself ine.'Hcient and powerless. Receiving no sympathy aud little support at the hands of the Assembly .or the Responsible Ministry,it .neither ; originates nor. can it carry, out any persistent or large policy, and it is. only capable of obstructing, by mere inertia}, the attempt of the Colonial Government to bring its energies to bejir. on Native interests. Thus, while it is tho cause of much evil, it is of no use except as a machinery for recording and interpreting Native letters, and administering the petty details which originato in tho casual visits of Natives to tho City of' Auckland, arranging for their personal interviews with the Governor, providing them with lodgings, or giving them orders for food.

The appropriations from the Revenue for Native purposes during the year ending 30th June, 1862* are as follows:—. On the Civil List—. £ s. d. Native Minister ... ... 800 0 0| Native Secretary... ... 400;0 0, Native purposes, Governmental ... .'£ .» 7000 0 0, By Act in 1858, to continue for 7 years —For Schools; ... 7000 00, On the Annual Appropria-, tions, 1861-2—Native purposes generally, to be expended,iby Governor,, in Council ,:■. 10,000 Oi; 0, Land Purchase, Depart- \ ment,ireduced, and, also, to, be expended by Governor in Council ; ... 5441 00, £30,641 0 0. —Besides which, £33.,000 of the English Loan is appropriated for this year for pending land purchases. William Fox. ; Minute by Ministers in refer enqe to the Suspension of the Constitution. Auckland, Bth October, 1861. Ministers aro aware that the question has been raised, and may be raised again, how far the form, of Constitutional Government bestowed upon this Colony by the Imperial, Parliament in 1852, is adapted to its present circumstances, and whether a suspension of the Constitution might not facilitate the adjustment <of the difficulties of the present crisis.

Before entertaining any such proposition it ought to be made clear, Ist. That the existing system of Government has in any Way contributed to the present difficulties,; and 2nd. That. the suggested , suspension would be likely to lead to their removal. Ministers are decidedly and unanimously of opinion -that neither position is tenable. As to the first: —The difficulties referred to have arisen solely in reference to the administration of Native affairs. Now, this has, partly by the operation of the Constitution Act, and partly by the action of the late Governor on the introduction of Responsible Government, been practically reserved in the hands of the Governor as the Representative of the Imperial Government: and the Colonial Government has, in fact, had little or nothing to do with it. The Colonial Government has dono what it could, consistent with the limited powers vested in it, to.advise and legislate in support of the Governor's Administration of Native affairs; but substantially the whole control and action has been with him; and it may be safely asserted, that the present difficulties are in no W£»y chargeable on any exercise by the colonists of the Constitutional powers vested in them by Parliament.

As to the second point, the, proposed suspension of the Constitution: —-The principal result of this would in the opinion of Ministers be this, that while at ,onp department of Government, the Native Administration, is in difficulty and confusion, the whole Government of the Colony would by such a courso be placed in the same predicament. It must bo borne in mind what are the character of the Constitution of the Colony, and the distribution of functions created by it in the hands of the General and Provincial Governments; the latter, in particular, being charged with what may be termed allthe constructive works of the Colony —lmmigration, Public Works, the Surveys and Sales of Land, as well with the organization and control : of the Police, and other social regime of the community. The ma r chinery by which these functions are executed is in active operation, and nothing but the most inextricable confusion and paralysis would arise from any sudden suspension of its exercise. Even thp General Government of the Colony would prove incapable of taking over the functions of the Provincial Governments; and if the General Government .itself as at presented constituted were suspended also, the difficulties of the Colony would be indefinitely increased.

Ministers believe that the difficulties of the present crisis are of a character which can only be met by a large and liberal policy towards the natives, which, niay go to. the root of the disease, and not merely remove or repress external symptoms. Any such policy will necessarily affect, not only the interests of the natives per se, but their relations to the Europeans also, and must be of a permanent and enduring character. The General Assembly of New Zealand has during several years past devoted much attention ty the native question, and is prepared to support to the utmost the action of the Governor in the creation of permanent civil institutions which may include the native race, and bring both races under one uniform system of government. Ministers believe that the end sought can be far moro surely attained by the earnest co-operation of the colonists with the Governor through the existing institutions, than by any interference with those institutions which, while it might confer moro absolute power on the Governor, would deprive him of the co-operation of the colonists whose interests are dependent on a wise solution of the questions at issue. William Fox.

A RETURN OF THE QUANTITY AND VALUE OF ARMS AND AMMUNITION IHPOR g « AT THE POST OF < TJCKXAND, BETWEEN THE 18T JANUARY - , 1854, AND 25TH SEPraMBEB, 1861, INCtU8rFE. f "A] IMS. POWDER. . " ',. " ' . T _ Shot. S ": t ""Perots'Siow Caps.* *" " 5. '" "'-. t Lead.., • T ;' 3 | 1854 1855 : 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860 1861 No. 1136 1724 1864 885 118 Pkgs. 21 39 40 13 £* s. d. 307 16 0 415 12 0 205 10 0 2,501 0 0 3,158 ti 0 4,534 0 0 2,569 0 0; 479 t> 0 lbs. 7,680 -• * ■ - _ - 20,525 3,179 "- , " z . ■-- 2,700 20£ brls., 16 cases, 267 pkgs. 100 kegs, 88 boxes, 38.batrels, 10J barrels, 6 cases, 697 packages . 3,000 84 kegs, 132 barrels, 742 • packages- 1 9,238 - o T .. '9; '. ; .- . £ s. 6. 263 0 6 594 8 4 160 10 0 717 12 0 1,492 0 0 2,229 0 0 595 0 0 iob cwt. qrs. lbs. 66 0 0 151 3 16 268 3 t) 407 2 0 J385 0 0 244 0 0 ... ■ i£ ;S. d. 137 10 0 232 0 0 524 0 0 720 0 0 547 0 0 350 - 0 0 No. : 216,500 |kgS.'; 1 case 4 pkgs. 17 " 8 " -. a f i S." £ e.".i. 5 0 0 T 28 0 0 * -287 0 0 189 0 0 354 0 0 qrsMbs, • 215 2' fr_ ■ '662 2 0 Oft 822 1 0 505 2 0 j 478 3 23 ! ; -96 1 12 414. 0 0 ; . -£ - b. a.; 373 0 0 775 t> 0.: 437. b 0--1,181 16 ; 5769 b t)J 735 b pr 148 0 s&jj 30 ;b J o : - 5727 113 14;i70 9 0 46,331 194 kegs, 170 brls., 301 brls., 22 cases, 1,009 packages 6,052 10 4 1523 D io r 2,510 10 0 216,500 32pkgs.i -.- •-., ;• ~ Incase a -763 ~ ; 0 0; 3,157 0 7 4,448 15 JjSl .... N. B.— The above Return lias been compiled from the"Office copies of the Quarterly" Re turns. - ; ~ : ~ - %a — — - — -WrtUAH-YouNGy-Ooliector of Customs.—--