MR. FITZGERALD AND MR. WAKEFIELD.

New Zealander, Volume 10, Issue 881, 23 September 1854, Page 3

MR. FITZGERALD AND MR. WAKEFIELD.

To the Editor of’the New Zealander. Sir,—Mr. Fitzgerald’s letter to the Southern Cross consists of two distinct parts. The first is a de'ence of his Waste Lands policy from my remarks on it in the New Zealander of Saturday last : the second is a denial of his “own ambition in taking office,” together with statements about a private conversation bet ween us, and some tierce personal abuse of me. They shall be noticed separately. The first may be very briefly disposed of. This is a public matter, concerning which ample materials for judging between Mr. Fitzgerald and mo are in the hands of the public. I would only request them to bear in mind the ex-Minister’s displays of a self-esteem so swollen and sensitive, as to be phrenzied by disappointments which men fit for political life bear with decorum at least ; and to reflect that the alleged “ identity in principle” of his Waste Lands policy, which fell and dragged him down, with that of the minority, which prevailed, is a delusion natural to one of such inordinate vanity so deeply wounded. The private and abusive matter of his letter calls for more copious treatment. Inasmuch as he was lately a Prime Minister and is still a Superintendent, I cannot deal with his furious personal attack on me as if it came from an obscure or anonymous slanderer. On the contrary, I am glad that he has published with his own name some of the abuse in which others, more prudent though not less malignant, indulge without responsiblity lor themselves by means of employing base agents in the streets and the newspapers. Mr. Fitzgerald is just now a man of mark in New Zealand ; and his malevolence, frantic though it is, cannot be safely despised. I rejoice at his public display of it, and will treat it with the respect which avowed hostility merits, lie is no coward assassin, stabbing in the dark with whispers or under the screen of anonymous printing. Instead of feeling angry with him for this letter in Mr. Brown’s newspaper, I could almost thank him for having put his name to it. We meet in open combat; and though I must needs give blow for blow in self-defence, yet will I endeavour to repel his attack with temper and decency. In his rage, lie publishes matter of the most private and confidential character. The use of such weapons might have been as unfair as it is repugnant to the laws of honor amongst gentlemen ; but 1 do not complain of it this time, because the same armoury happens to afford me ample means of defence. I cannot, however, employ them without protesting against the practice as being unjustified by even the necessities of self-preservation, excepting when, as in my own ease now,one of the parties lo a confidential intercourse is released from its obligations by the other. Mr. Fitzgerald himself has chosen to make a public question of my share in the private negoeiations which ended in the formation of his Ministry. My first relation with Mr. Fitzgerald after our arrival here consisted of putting a check upon him. A snug meeting had been held at King’s, when he drafted a proposed Address in answer to the Governor’s Opening Speech, A more general meeting was then called, which my particular friends and I were invited to attend. We found Mr. Fitzgerald almost in possession of the prominent position of Mover of the Address, On the ground of his being the only Superintendent in the House, I assented to that arrangement, but not without reluctance. He wished that the subject of Responsible Government should he broached by the Address; but to this I objected positively, being resolved that what was, in ray mind at that moment, the question of questions,

should not be entrusted to bis indiscretion. I moreover took pains to impress on him the necessity of prudence and caution on his part when bringing forward the Address. He did not disiegard that advice; the tenour and tone of his speech on moving the Address were specifically recommended by me: and you will not forget that, in the House, I complimented him on his really laudable performance of a delicate task. The conversation which he describes, took place by accident in the street. The time was after his Excellency’s readiness to concede the principle of Ministerial Responsibility had been made known to a few, and before Mr. Fitzgerald was “ sent for.” 1 had already been consulted after a fashion about the men fit to be members of a first responsible Ministry, and bad expressed a total want of enndence in Mr. Fitzgerald as the proposed leader. So far as I am able to recall the particulars of our conversation, my part in it consisted, first, of repeated protests against the tenure by any Superintendent of the leadership in the General Executive ; and, secondly, of repeated expressions of a wish that nothing might he settled, whether as to policj' or persons, without first consulting the House. It is true that Mr. Fitzgerald spoke of his own unwillingness to take office in the General Government; hut he did so in that nolo cpiscopari way, which evinces an ardent longing for the deprecated elevation. I recollect also, that on seeing him determined to be Prime Minister if possible, I again urged that the House should he consulted about every thing, and offered to feel its pulse as to persons, by broaching the subject of the formation of a Government, and mentioning His name along with others. He rejected this proposal with impatience, and we parted in a sort of tiff.

But here is only version against version, neither of which admits of proof by direct testimony. In support of my own, I bring three pieces of circumstantial evidence In the first place, I beg of you to look at the report of what I said in the House, when criticising the Ministerial arrangements and policy as these were announced by Air. Fitzgerald. Mr. Sewell called that speech one of “ dissatisfaction and discontent.” You will see that, in particular, L dwelt on the impropriety of combining in one person the offices of a Superintendent and a Minister of the General Government. Nor will you overlook certain allusions to Mr Fitzgerald’s character (which were understood by only the few who then knew him) in the form of warning as to the dangers of a sudden and unexpected elevation. My remarks had no unfriendly purpose (for the tiling was done, and I really wished to make the best of it); but they were such as ought to have been then denounced by Air. Fitzgerald (whose reply shows that he understood and felt them) if I really had, only a few days before, spoken to him about himself as lie now says that I did. That was his proper time for informing the public of my having “ urged upon him in the strongest language,that it was his duty to take the lead in the Government.” If he had done so, I should have contradicted him by disclosing what follows. Secondly,—Befure Mr. Sewell joined Mr. Fitzgerald as a minister, they had never been on very friendly terms, and bad often been at variance. Air. Sewell’s political alliance with me was as close as our personal intimacy. I felt that when he joined Air. Fitzgerald, he deserted me; and the event put a sudden stop to all private communication between us. Are these facts compatible with Air. Fitzgerald’s account of our talk just before Air. Sewell joined him? Lastly, recurring to the time when, as aforesaid, I was consulted after a fashion about the composition of a Alinistry, Mr. Fitzgerald was named to me as the fittest person to take the lead. I I mentioned, as insuperable objections in my judgment, certain defects of his character which I believed to ho incurable. The reply was unsatisfactory ; and then I told those with whom I was in communication, that I never could trust him ; for when excited and tempted, he was capable of extravagances incredible, and that he had once seriously advised me to eupage in a colonial rebellion against the Eippife. The statgz. ment naturally occasioned surprise amounting to an expression of incredulity. In order to make it good, I tHe next day produced, and left in other hands for confidential communication to those most concerned, a letter from Air. Fitzgerald to myself, which I received in New Zealand, though it was written before my departure fiom England. Tkat letter was also shown by me i i confidence to more than one of my political friends, and in particular to Mr. Alacandrew. I beg of you to compare the following extract from it with Mr. Fitzgerald’s account of my “strongest language” expressive of confidence in him. “Lyttelton, June 7. ltt£2. II My dear Wakefield, — • ••«•• we often sliH hear that you are coming out here. I confess I doubt it. \or can I think it would at all suit you. After all, this place [colony] is but a village. Its politics are not large enough for you ; hut there are politics on this siiie of the world which would be so. It seems un, questionable that in the eburse of a very few years—sometimes I think months—the Australian colonies will declare their Independence. We shall livetosee Australasian Empire' rivalling the United States in greatness, wealth, and power. There is a field for great statesmen! Only yesterday I was saying to • * • * • , talking of you—lf you come across the world, it must be to Australia, just in time to draw up the Declaration of Independence. • * • • • “ Ever, my dear Wakefield, “ Vourt very truly, “James Edward Fitzgerald.”

Some principal features of the writer’s character are reflected in this strange compound of jealousy, cajolery, wild fancy, and reckless suggestion* But with respect to general character, I owe him such a picture of his own ns shall enable the public to appreciate his description of mine. Its accuracy will be admitted by all who know him, or shall come to know him, as well as I do. As a companion in private life, few are more accomplished and agreeable; but even there he does not make really attached friends, because no generous sympathies ever move him. His gaiety, his wit, his even brilliant sallies, are thoroughly heartless. In public life, he is very quick and clever; a real orator when prepared, and skilful in appearing unprepared ; but without solid knowledge of political subjects, though superficially informed on many, and very ingenious in putting on the appearance of knowing all about the question in hand. His ambition is beyond measure, but altogether personal. To get and keep the first place in whatever company he may be, is the ruling passion of his soul ; and this, not as the means to any end, but as the aim and sum of his desires. Not the inward sense of {lower, but only the outward show of it delights urn. He is therefore a ready tool of those whose position and conscience enable them to retain him for their service with the flattery of deference and applause, but is utterly incapable, from flightiness, of real, practical, productive work that will last ; and dangerous also, because, though careless about the tune so that he but play first fiddle, nobody can tell what discord he will not strike up when success has intoxicated his vanity. In prosperity, boastful, overhearing, supercilious, and blind to danger ; in difficulties, fretful, impatient, very spiteful, and often pale with the fear of falling ; in settled adversity, either low-spirited and helpless, or reckless as the maniac ; fickle as well as versatile; readily inflated, and as easily depressed; without magnanimity, fortitude, caution, or patience, hut envious, jealous, treacherous, and vindictive : such is the broken-down hero of the first meeting of the New Zealand Parliament, who as he hied from the scene of his vainglory and disasters, fired the broadside to which this is an answer, I remain, Sir, Your obedient servant, E. G. Wakefield. .To the Editor of the New Zealander. Howick, Sept. 20th, 185-1. Sir, — A letter, purporting to be the production of a Huwicly Pensioner, appeared in the Southern Cross of the loth instant, but it was not until some days after its publication that I had an opportunity of perusing that epistle. 1 find that its object is to throw discredit on a movement at our Village, in which 1 am proud tp acknowledge 1 took a prominent part. Thg

writer, for more paltry party purposes, as it seems, endeavours to destroy the effect of a deliberate expression of- the views held by a number of hard-working, hut not upobservant men, on a subject which vitally affects them and their families—namely,—a reserving by the Government of a portion of the lands of our adopted country for the use and benefit of the industrious classes, by whose labour and toil the land can only become the source of wealth. Sir, if that letter was the real and genuine production of a pensioner, I only wish for the credit of the corps, that when he penned his attack on those who were not ashamed to sign their names to the address he assails, that he could have mustered moral courage enough to attest his letter with his own proper name, —such candour would have been worthy of an old soldier—and due to his comrades too—for the signature would have enabled them and their fellow settlers to attach the proper amount of weight and importance to bis statements. We have no Reading Room at our settlement, hut the Auckland papers and a few stray English ones reach us now and then, in one of which I observe that the French Emperor insists upon all newspaper writers giving their proper names with their articles, so that people may know the character of their public'guides. And I stroughsuspect if such were the rule in this colony the letter in question would never have been written, for I have-good reason for believing that it came from an old electioneering correspondent of the Cross, who has not been content to receive from its land-monopolising proprietor, by way of consideration, the mere usual fee of a penny-a-liner. However that may be sir, I can state as Cliairman of the public meeting held at Howick for the purpose of thanking Air. Wakefield for his advocacy of the poor man’s rights, that those who took part with me at that meeting did so in the most voluntary manner, feeling that it was their duty to bear their testimon}- publicly on behalf of a principle of right and justice, and to express their gratitude to a Representative of the country, who they believe was actuated by that principle when he singled himself out from his Southern colleagues on behalf of justice to Auckland, and fair play to the industrious classes, whereby he incurred not merely the enmity of the Southrons, hut the envy, hatred, and mal'ce of some of our Northern members, who have long striven to seduce the people into a belief that they alone are the peoples friends. I am, Sir, yours <kc., Andrew Mclstvbe, A Howick Farmer.

To Ibe Editor of the New Zealaxdee. Friend Editor, — The charming modesty which has been the distinguishing grace of the Southern Cross for so many years, has not deserted it with its change of editors. The mantle of Elisha has fallen on the shoulders of Elijah. Distinguished from the herd of “ men of coarser mould," of which the community of Auckland is composed, this giftedyamW of the press—himself “ unconnected with the Colony,” and therefore doubly deserving of our homage and gratitude for his philanthropy and disinterestedness—positively without 4 ‘ fee or. bouutith,” and without even solicitation, perches himself like a million-vision-power pair ot spec taclcs upon our noses, in order to enable us to pierce into.the Cimmerian darkness of the future which hangs like an impenetrable pall before our own dull optics. Like Tilburina —“he sees, ha sees”—what we can’t see—because “It is not yet in sight." Poor Mr. Sewell! with what distracted feelings must he have returned home ! He was fairly beaten in his grand comprehensive scheme to Canterburise Auckland, and put his lingers in our till. But how?—by the combined resistance of our Auckland members?—not a bit of it, —but merely by the black ingratitude of those wretched beings of “ coarser mould’’ who took the shortsighted and narrow-minded view of looking after the safety of the Province which they had been chosen to represent, and who opposed lum and his measures. But-it-was not the “ contemptible minority” that did anything by their votes and determined resistance ! No, no—he fell overpowered by their base ingratitude in refusing the benefits which he (good soul!) wished to force upon them, the more valuable, because unasked—and, oh! human nature! positively repudiated ! ! ! IngrauuiJe more utrong than tmitoi’s arms Quite vanquished him : then burst his mighty heart. Fancy his feelings when, with an aching heart he performed his celebrated feats for our amusement. Go to, go to, thou thoughtless wretchman little knows the agony the poor acrobat is forced to endure while exerting to the utmost hi* comic powers to provoke a laugh from au unfeeling audience. But, friend, I hope (here is a good time coming, and that by the able guidance of our accomplished nurse, wo may be brought to a proper knowledgs of our degraded and “contemptible” condition, and that with the bright dawn of enlightenment, a ray of gratitude may also be inspired towards those “ Illustrious Strangers” to whom we owe so much, and who are so little appreciated, —and forbid, O Mammon, that any feeling of parsimony should interfere with the generous dictates of our hearts, in presenting, if not to h o th, at least to the most worthy—when we have found him out, —

“ A cap ami bells.” Thine, Friend, for the present, A Ckiel Elector. To the Editor of the New-Zea lander. Sir, — We have heard a great deal from Mr. William Brown about his thirteen years political career, and how such career was to be a sure guarantee for his future exertions for the benefit of this Province. Now, although this particularly modest gentleman assumed that lib political career had been so decidedly understood, and so perfectly appreciated by the community as to require no explanation, some of us are |o obtusa as not to have remarked any particular line adopted by him, excepting constant abuse in his* paper of every constituted authority, and of every thing in fact, which did not emanate from Mr. Brown himself, while at the same time we have been extremely surprised that the faultfinder never proposed any practical improvement on the policy which he condemned. Even the mountain when it laboured brought forth a mouse, but this wretched molehill has brought forth nothing. Nothing has emanated from him, — Ex Nihilo , nihil Jit. Well, sir, Mr. Brown got into the House of Representatives, many of the electors who voted for him being those thick-skulled persons who could not understand his policy, and who wished to see him on the floor .of that House enunciate his grand and comprehensive schemes for the good of the people. And what has lie done? Why, be has sit silent on his seat like a whipped schoolboy, and as silently voted and betrayed bis Province. What induced him and Ins dog Tray to vote against Major Greenwood’s bill for a strict scrutiny and adjustment of the electoral rolls ! Was he afraid of the scrutiny bringing forth to light the means by which he obtained certain votes for the Superintendency! If it is not so, upon what possible grounds could he have voted against tins Province obtaining its lights. It is to be hoped that his constituency will make a point of forcing him to explain this part of his conduct, pinning him down to the particular vote, and his reasons for it. With regard to hisJidus Achates, and how he voted, or how he spake, it signifies little, since be represents nobody, and was merely smuggled into a seat by a clique which is already disgusted with him. But with regard to Air. Prown, he is a person of substance, however he may be deficient in intellect, and ns he has chosen to consider himself a “ first-rate man,” in contradistinction to those of “ coarser mould,” who are simply content with doing their duty to their constituencies, and to their province, I think it behoves “The Golden Calf” to explain why “ Nebuchadnezzar the King set him up ?,” and “M ho v.as Nebuejiad' nezzail” —I am, Sir, yours &c„ > in the copier.