Original Correspondence

New Zealander, 18 September 1854, Page 4

Original Correspondence

THE TWO “ WA-'TE LANDS BILLS” OF THE SECOND SESSION. To the Editor of the New-Zealasder. Auckland, Kith Sept., 1854. Sir, —As you have been unable, from press of matter, to publish the debate upon the second re .d.ng of the Waste Lands Bill introduced this Session into the House of Representatives by Mr. Fitzgerald, and as the Kill as “ amended ” by the Legislative Council, and which ultimately passed through both Houses of the Legislature, is really a new Kill, and one to which I should have given unqualified support, my motion that the original Kill should be read a second time “ that day six months ” would naturally appear a very singular one to those who had not seen the measure in its original shape. I should therefore feel obliged by your inserting in your paper the two measures, as an appendix to this letter. The reasons urged by me against the original Bill—in concert with the “contemptible minority often”—were shortly as follows, — Ist. It was avowedly intended by Mr. Fitzgerald, and his suppoiters, “ to restrain ” —or, in the woids of Mr Wakefield, ii opposing the Kill, “as an injunction to restrain,” —the Governor from carrying out the liberal policy declared by him in the spetch by which the second Session was opened. 2nd. It stereotyped the Pastoral Regulations issued by Sir George Grey in August, ? 1849, which had proved eminently distasteful to a large majority of the people of Nelson and very injurious to the best interests of the Province. £rd. It did not give to the Provinces any real and substantial power over the Waste .Lands, but simply gave to the Province,! ' Councils, as atjv'escut constituted, the power ot

framing one set of Regulations, which if adopted by the Governor, could not be altered except by act of the General Assembly. -4th. It did not give to the People any voice in the framing of thut one set of Regulations; and, as in many of the Provincial Councils ot the South, the practical majority consists of sheep land-monopo izers, holding immense t acts of land under the Pastoral Regulations ot Aug. 1849, I had every reason to fear that the interests of the bona fide Cultivating Settleks in those Provinces would be di. regarded. In opposing the Bill, I urged, that when the present Superintendents and Provincial Cou cils wee elected, it was not contemplated that the management ot the Waste hands would be vested in their hands before the people had had an opportunity of declaring their opinions as to the expediency of such a course —and I further urged, that by means of a dissolution ot the present and ot the election of new Provincial Councils, or by some oile r means, the People ought to have the opportunity afforded them of declaring by whom, and in what manner, so i?npvrtant an interest ought to he managed. 1 further opposed strongly the provision under which Regulations once framed by the Provincial Councils, could only be altered by act of the General Assembly, as offering to the Provincial Legislatures a mere sham power of dealing with the Waste Lands whilst the general feeling of the people was in favour of giving substantial powers to the i rovincial Legislatures. I am unwilling to trespass upon your valuable space by any more lengthy statement of my objections to the Bill, which are given in full in my speech upon the second reading. ; but I would entreat your readers to compare the two measures, and judge lor themselves. The foregoing remarks have no relation to another Waste Lands Bill which was introduced by one ot the “ contemptible minority strenuously opposed by Mr. Sewell; but carried in spite ot that opposition. I allude to the ‘‘Provincial Waste Lands Act,” the object of which is to enable the General Assembly to delegate to the Provinces any of its own powers of legislation with regard to the Waste Lands of the Crown. You will see that such a measure was recommended in the Governor’s Speech in opening this Session. It has ot course been reserved for her Majesty's assent. — I am, Src , Wm. Tugs. Locke Tbavers.

Bill as originally proposed by Mr. Fitzgerald. A Bill. For regulating the management of the Waste Land of the Crown in New Zealand. Whereas, by an Act passed in the 15th and 16th years of the reign of Her present Majesty, entitled ‘‘An Act to grant a Representative Constitution to the Colony of New Zealand,” it was enacted that subject to the provisions therein contained, it should be lawful to the General Assembly of the said Colony to make laws for regulating the sale, letting, disposal and occupation of the Waste Lands of the Crown in New Zealand, and that subject to the said provisions, and until the General Assembly should otherwise enact, it should be lawful for her Majesty, by instructions to be issued under the Signet and Sign Manual, or signified through one of Her Majesty’s principal Secretaries of State, to delegate such powers to the Governor of the said Colony. And whereas such power has been delegated to the said Governor by stick instructions as aforesaid, and whereas certain General Land Regulations for the colony of New Zealand were in pursuance of such powers so delegated, issued by the Governor of the said Colony in a Proclamation dated the fourth day of March, 1853, And whereas within certain parts of the said Colony certain other regulations for the disposal and management of the Waste Lands arc now in force; and whereas it is expedient that all such regulations for the sale, letting, disposal, and occupation of the Waste Lands of the Crown within the said Colony should continue in force, and should not be altered, except, as hereinafter provided, until the General Assembly shall otherwise enact in that behalf. Be it therefore enacted by the General Assembly of New Zealand as follows : 1. All acts, ordinances, instructions, and regulations, so far as the same are repugnant to, or may interfere with the operation of this Act shall be and the same are hereby repealed. 2. Provided always that nothing herein contained shall prejudice or 'affect the legal titles or equitable rights of persons under valid contracts subsisting at the time of the passing of this Act. 3. All regulations for the sale, letting, disposal.and occupation of the Waste Lands of the Crown in New Zealand now in force within the said Colony, or any part thereof, shall be valid in law, and shall he deemed to have been valid in law from the time when the same severally have been put in force, and, except as hereinafter provided, shall not he altered except by an Act or Acts of the General Assembly to be passed in that behalf. 4. It shall be lawful for the Governor, with the advice of his Executive Council, upon a requisition to that effect from the Superintendent and Provincial Council of any Province, to extend to any portion thereof, in which they may not now bo in force, the aforesaid Regulations, dated the 4th of March, 1853.

5. All Town Lands and Suburban Lands referred to in the aforesaid Regulations, dated the 4th of March, 1853, shall hereafter he reserved as such, and the limits of all Hundreds referred to in such Regulations, shall he deterhiined, only in accordance with Ordinances to he passed in that behalf by the Superintendent and Provincial Council of the Province in which the same shall b ■ situated.

6. If the Superintendent and Provincial Council of anv Province shall agree upon any Pegulations for the disposal of the Waste Lands within such Province, and shall recommend the same to the Governor, if sha 1 be lawful for the Governor, with the advice of his Executive Council, if he shallso think fit by Proclamation in the Government Gazette; to issue and put in force such Regulations within such Province ; and such Regulations shall come into force within such Province upon a day to be named in the Government Gazette in which the same shall he published, and shall not be altered until the General Assembly shall otherwise enact in that behalf; Provided always that no such Regulations shall he issued and out in force as aforesaid, unless the same shall have been published in the Government Gazette of such Province at the least two months before the same shall be so issued and put in force. 7. Subject to the provisions of the said recited Act, and to such instructions as may from time to time ho issued in that behalf by the Governor, with the advice of hi< Executive Council, the administration of all laws relating to the management of the Waste Lands of the Crown in each Province, within the said Colony, shall he vested in the Superintendent of such Province, who shall act therein subject to such instructions with the advice of his Executive Council, where such Council shall exist.

8. Until further enactment in that behalf by the General Assembly, all expenses incident to the management and sum y of the Waste Lands of the Crown within each Province, shall he paid out of the proceeds of the Waste Lands within such Province, in accordance with Estimates to lie voted in that behalf by the Provincial Council of such Province, and approved of by the Superintendent thereof. 9. This Act shall he entitled and may he cited ns “The Waste Lands Act, 1854,” and shall come into force from the date of the passing thereof. Bill as amended by the Legislative Council and passed by the House of Representatives without division: — A Bill For regulating the Disposal of the Waste Lands of the Crown in New Zealand. WHEREAS, by an Act passed in the Imperial Parliament holder) in the 15th and IGth years of the reign of Her present Majesty, entitled “ An Act to grant a Representative Constitution to the Colony of New Zealand,” it was enacted that subject to the provisions therein contained, it should be lawful for the General Asr

sembly of the said Colony to make laws for regulating the sale, letting, disposal, and occupation of the Waste Lands of the Crown in New Zealand, and that subject to the said provisions, and until the General Assembly should otherwise enact, it should be lawful for Her Majesty, by instructions to be issued under the Signet and Sign Manual, or signified through one of Her Majesty’s principal Secretaries of State, to delegate sucli powers to the Governor of the said Colony. And Whereas such power pending the first meeting of the General Assembly was delegated to the said Governor by such instructions as aforesaid, and whereas certain General Land Regulations for the Colony of New Zealand were in pursuance of such powers so delegated, lawfully Issued by the Governor of the said Colony in a Proclamation dated the fourth day of March, 18 "j3. And Whereas within certain parts of the said Colony certain other regulations the disposal and management of the Waste Lands aro now iu force; and whereas it is expedient that until it shall oc otherwise enacted by the General Assembly, the Governor should have the power subject to the conditions and in the manner hereinafter mentioned to issue and put in force regulations for the sale, letting, disposal, and occupation of the Waste Lands of the Crown within the several Provinces of the said Colony.

Be it therefore enacted and declared by the General Assembly of New Zealand as follows : 1. All regulations for the sale, letting, disposal, and occupation of the Waste Lands of the Crown in New Zealand now in force within the said Colony, or any part thereof, arc hcieby confirmed and declared to Lave been valid from the time when the same were put in force. Provided always that any such regulations may Ee amended, altered, or repealed by any regulations to be made and published as hereinafter contained. 2. If at any time the Superintendent and Provincial Council of any Province shall recommend to the Governor any Regulations for the sale, letting, disposal, and occupation of the Waste Lands of the Crown within such Province, or any part thereof, it shall be lawful for the Governor, if he shall think fit, from time to time, with the advice of his Executive Council, by I reclamation in the New Zealand Government Gazette, to issue and put iu force such Regulations within such Province, or any part thereof, on a day to be named in the Gazette in which the same sh 11 be published, not being less than one calendar month from the publication thereof. 3. No such Regulations shall be proposed to any Provincial Council for their adoption by the Superintendent or any member thereof, unless the same shall have been previously published in the Government Gazette of the Province in which such regulations are proposed to be brought into op ration, or in some newspaper to be published in the capital town thereof for the space at least of twentyeight days nor until fourteen days after the commencement of the session in which the same shall be proposed. Provided always that it shall be competent for the Provincial Council, at their pleasure, to alter or amend any regulations which shall be so proposed to them as aforesaid.

4. The term Governor in this Act shall include the Officer administering the Government foi the lime being. 5. This Act shall bo entitled and may be cited as “ The Waste Lands Act, 1854.”

To the Editor of the New Zealander. Auckland, Saturday afternoon, 16th September, 1854. Sin, —Not having time to get copies made of a private letter, addressed to a friend in the South, to which I wish to give some circulation, 1 shall feel greatly obliged if you will do me the favor to print it in your next publication, which 1 hear will be an Extra in time for the Steamer. I remain, Sir, Your obedient servant, E. G. Wakefield Auckland, llth September, 1t1.'4.

My Dkaii . It will be impossible for you to make out of lbe confused mass of news going by this mail, any clear view of recent events in the Assembly ; that is, until you have bad lime to digest it. Hy degrees, however, you will learn that the whole affair, from beginning to end, has turned principally upon the Waste Lands Question, Not quite from the beginning though; because the Responsible Government matter at tire opening of the Session was conducted on what may be termed its own merits. But when the concession came—too suddenly for a good use of it—and in such a way a* to enable a vigilant selfseeking party to turn it to their own account, they set about the work with vigour and skill. That party was the Squattocracy of the Centre, headed by Weld, Clifford, and Revans. They wanted a leader —that is, somebody with some ability in dcbalc. / was out of the question, because they knew 1 would not Inc tr the labour and responsibilities of office, and, still more, bicause of the total antagonism of their views and mine on the Land Question, They look Fitzgerald; a capital showman, though altogether wanting in the qualities which are requisite for real leadership. lie had no particular sympathy with their land monopolising objects, hut, being hugely ambitious of prominence and consequence, was ready to adopt any policy for the sake of playing llrst fiddle as “ Prime Minister.” Hut some practical ability was also needed, especially in the examination of legal questions and the drawing of Rills : so they took Sewell, who deserted me for the Solicitor-Generalship in post?, and the prospect of settling difficult questions of hi* own at Canterbury by means of the alliance with Fitzgerald. And thus these two, with Weld as a real Squattocrat and devoted ally of Clifford, were set up as a Ministry. Their elation laid the foundation c,f their ruin. So much had been so easily won, that they thought themselves capable of anything. They forgot my part in (he victory, and c.irelnlly excluded me from the only part of the spoil that 1 desired ; namely, that of some voice in determining the general policy of the new Government, and in the selection of the men by whom it was to be carried out. Then they committed all sons of follies, under the influence, I have no doubt, of Fitzgerald’s presumptuous inexperience and rashness. But the House was delighted with the novelty and pretliness of Responsible Government ; and if the Ministers had not been infatuated, they really might have done anything within the limits of reason and moderation. They offended the North by contemptuous neglect, and by allying themselves with the BrownCarleton party, which has but little real influence, and was at bitter war with the Wynyarditcs. Then ihey also treated the Legislative Council with the same contemptuous neglect, till that body resolved to show its power, as a co-ordinate third pait of the Legislature, by having views of its own. Not to detain you with any account of minor matters, I come to the Waste Lands Hill of the new Government. You will have seen that, virtually, it placed all real power in their own hands as the General executive. This suited the Southern Squattociacy, who were the main stay of the Ministry, and would have dictated the Regulations. A sort of Opposition arose, consisting of two classes——those who wished that the management of the Waste Lands should be enjoyed by the Provinces, and those who wished to make real provision for actual sett ement in spite of speculation and monopoly. The Bill would, 1 think, have been thrown out on the second reading, if a further concession by the Governor —that of a fourth seat in the Executive Council, which was given to the Biownite Mr. Bartley—had not made an impression that the Ministry was getting stronger, and would probably last for years. This appearance turned many their way; and every office-seeker became attached to them. So they carried the second reading by a large majority; and the common opinion was that they would have their own way all through the Session, and wholly possess the Government afterwards. But 1 knew better; seeing plainly that, likcall those whom heaven stultifies before destroying them, they were going to ruin through the pride and folly which commonly attend on wealth or power, or any great success, too suddenly tbtuined. In two words, their heads were turned by too much success—by the want of such impediments as produce reflection and caution How weak they were in reality, appears from the effect of the first trouble with which they had to deal. This was my Agricultural or Working Settlers' amendments, moved in Committee on their Waste Lands Bill. \ ou will have seen by the debates what a rage they were in. The minority which voted with me was far from despicable as respects ability and out-of-door influence; whilst not a few sympathised with us, who had got irrevocably pledged as supporters of the Government. However, the amendments were thrown out, as I knew beforehand would b« the case. But I also believed that the Legislative Council would adopt them, and would also change the Bill in its leading feature'—lliat' of the unconstitutional, and, in free countries unprecedented, legislative power given by it to the Executive, In due time the Ministers discovered what

would be the fate of their Bill in the Upper House; and they became wild from fear. And with good reason ; for they were in this fix ; if the Bill came bach to our House so altered, as it was almost sure to do, (pray mark this point) the Ministers must either have adopted the popular amendments, in which case they would have become weak from loss of prestige—from the plain evidence of their weakness —or the House would have adopted the amendments in spite of them, when they must have resigned. There was a hobble. Being in this strait, they were in an apt state of mind for lending an ear to violent counsels : and these they got from the two most reckless members of the Assembly—Mr. Brown and Dr. Featherston. So they resolved on a bold stroke that of attempting to coerce the Governor into placing all the offices and all the seats in the Executive Council at their disposal. The Governor’* Message, No. 25, shows how they sought to frighten him; how they were so silly as to tender their resignations: and how they were defeated in the desperate attempt. . . „ „ Still supported- however, by the vigorous activity of sewell. and by hopes suggeUed to them by violent prompters, they managed to persuade their supporters that if they stood firm, the Governor would inevitably give way. Vou will have seen how false this reliance proved. Their fury at the result of my advice to the Governor that he should resist them, you will have seen depicted in a variety of forms. The prorogation actually drove them mad, unless we are to believe, as some do, that the turbulent scenes of the day of prorogation were intended to alarm the Governor and make him give way at last. At any rate, they had now got so inflamed, and into such a position of irreconcilable difference with the Governor, that a Second Session, with Ministers taken from the minority, though attempted as a proper experiment, offered scarcely any hope of success. It, however, got for New Zealand a Declaration of Policy (by the Governor’s speech when he opened the Second Session) on which I, for one, cannot help setting a high value. That policy, the majority rejected by their Address in answer to the Speech. And now New Zealand will be divided for a short time into two parties—those who adopt the Governor’s policy, and those who stand by the majority of the House who rejected it. The bession afterwards could be nothing but a mess; and yet some legislation is so very needful—more especially as to Estimates and appropriation of Revenue —that it seemed right to keep the Session alive as long as possible. It was doomed to die on the arrival of the steamer. Meanwhile, the House is scrambling through the Estimates, and passing some useful Bills. The Marriage Bill seems likely to pass; the reform of the Tariff will be attempted. But the confusion is such that nobody can guess at what may happen from day to day. Eitzgerald attempts to lead as before, but has no influence. In concert with the party, he got a Waste Lands Bill through our House, the avowed object of which is to restrain the Governor from doing anything with the Waste Lands except as desireil by the present Provincial Superintendents and Councils. But tliis Bill will not pass the Legislative Council. On the contrary, it will, I think, be so “amended” as to be made a totally different measure. That point will be settled to-morrow ; and 1 shall wait for the issue before finishing my letter. 13th September.

Fitzgerald’s Waste Lands Bill has come back from the Legislative Council so altered ns not to be recogniseil. Or rather, that Bill disappeared; and a new one was passed by the I.egtslatire Council, which the Representative Hou.t have swallowed whole. The bolus was nauseously disgusting to the majority, but they pretended to like it. Anything rather than acknowledge the mortifying defeat! And they have another reason for professing to ho charmed with the new measure. In order to explain this fuily, I must describe a very remarkable and important change in the mind of the Monopolist party, which has taken place since they became convinced that their design to obtain entire possession of tire General executive was irrevocably frustrated. This effect oit them was produced by a few days’ reflection on his Excellency’s POPULAR POLICY' SPEECH at the opening of the Second Session. They felt that a'l their schemes were defeated—all their hopes dissappointed—and probably for ever. At any rate, there was no longer the slightest chance of their return to power in the General Government : what was even worse, the Governor, with his old Executive Council, and the minority of ten in the House of Representatives, had framed and laid before the country a general policy which was sure to be approved by the great majority of the electors : and moreover, fresh elections, both General and Provincial, were indicated by his Excellency as a means of testing public opinion with regard to his new policy. The majority were in a most sorry plight. For about a week, extreme dejection marked their countenances. Here, at AmKUnd, nothing was le.'t for them to do. Ritter disappointment aid total inaction are terrible companions. Some said that the party would never rally. I thought otherwise, and even suspected what lias actually happened. It is true that, as a party going for the possession of the General Government, they have not rallied ; but, abandoning entirely that hopeless object, they have taken up another, the pursuit of which now engages all their thoughts, and has, therefore, naturally raised their spirits. They have discovered a future: they have found something to think about, and something to do. Discarding entirely their ideas of centralisation — of degrading the Provincial Governments (as by their dead Empowering Bill)—of turning the Executive Council into a legislature with regard to Waste land—and of obtaining all the seats in that Council and all the oilices for their party—they have turned their thoughts towards the Provinces, and have resolved to go for all power there. But by what means. Y'ou will stare a the answer, but will find it come true to the letter. They will, as Provincialists, adopt, and call their own, those principles and objects which constitute the policy of the Governor’st Speech. When opposing that anti-central, pro-Provincial policy, they confuted the lead in the opposition—that is, the conduct of their Opposition Address in answer to His Excellency’s Speech—to Dr. Monro, and Mr I arleton, the mover and seconder thereof, who are distinguished from the osher members of the House of Representatives by their extreme antiProvinciahsm or ultra-Centralism. in many other ways, so long as they deemed it possible to frighten His Excellency by bullying, anil indeed until after calm reflection during the fortnight’s prorogation, they exhibited a fierce hostility to the principles on which the Governor’s policy is founded. But now they speak, of it as good, sound, excellent, their own —just what they always admired and loved, and intended to carry out if lime had but been allowed to them : ‘‘ only the Governor does not go far enough ; he ought to have abolished the General Government, by giving sovereign power to the Provinces; he ought to have proposed setting apart not one-third, but two-thirds of the Waste Lands for Working or Occupying Settlers: he ought to have shown such regard for the opinions of the people as to promise fresh elections every year; and so forth. His Excellency goes for popularity does he? Well, two can play at that game; and it remains to be seen which will win. Popular policy indeed ! It is not his, but ours. He stole it from us, and we "ill take it back, to work ttf in the Proriutc-s/' These imaginary words express the real present tactics of the party. If you doubt, you will soon be convinced by the doings of the three Superintendents of the centre —I mean Eeatherston , Stafford, and Fitzgerald. Vou will not have to watch long. If my prediction should be falsified by their conduct, I will confess myself a most mistaken prophet. But now conies another consideration, to which 1 request the special attention of our friends.

Need I say that the popular professions of the Oligarchal party of the Centre are utterly insincere? In other words, they are as sincere as was that Fcaiherston-Fox claim on the New Zealand Company for compensation of the losses and sufferings of the Working Class of emigrants, which was converted into what shall 1 say ?—increase of riches for the applicants and their friends, in utter disregard of the popular grievance which they so warmly pressed on the Company, and which is still wholly unredressed. Well, and if so. the Squattocrats, you think, will not succeed in their poularity-hunt. I don’t know. It is hard to say what may be the result. This we do know—that the Oligarchal parties in Wellington and Nelson, though never really sympathising with the people, always managed, by means of their hostility to a form of Government which nobody liked, to obtain the confidence of many who did not perceive that the aim of the “ Constitutional Associations’’ was to obtain power for themselves. Those leaders resembled, as they still resemble, the old Whig nobility at home, who always sought to make use of the people in their opposition to the Crown, and, when they got into power thereby, cast away the peel of the orange they had sucked. Have they any loyalty ? No. Can they be attached to any Government not directed by themselves ? Again, No. What have they ever dune for the people, except as their Constitutional”, efforts for themselves helped a little (not much, for the work was really done by Colonial Reformers at home), to obtain representative institutions for this country? Again, nothing. But what matters all that, when the only organized party, and one no less skilful than uuscrupalous in the arts of misrepresentation, has all that it holds dear at stake on the single issue of whether it can now persuade the people to believe that their welfare is its only object ? On the whole, I deem it possible that many will be led to believe this. But many—and more especially those who judge by thepast—will not. If the former should be a majority, they will unquestionably have their own way; for I consider that both General and Provincial elections, including Superintendents, are inevitable ere long. The real question for the people at those elections will not, I think, be between two different policies or sets of professions, hut between two sets of men professing the same policy—that of the Governor’s Speech—the one set in earnest, and therefore worthy of confidence in the future administration of the policy—the other insincere, and upon whom this popular policy has been forced by the Governor and his p esent advisers, with support of only ten in the House of Representatives. Let the people choose! Such is the hw of our free Constitution; and I, for one, rejoice in knowing that the decision which so deeply affects three Provinces, rests with the people aloi e. Otago is sure to agree with the Governor, and sincerely. So the elections will change nothing, either General or Provincial. Indeed, as the Waste Land Regulations which Superintendent Cargill and his Council will present to the Governor, are sure to agree with his Excellency's views and be so honestly framed as to give real and full effect to them, whilst the people there have entire confidence in their present Superintendent and Council, a fresh Provincial Election in that Province would seem undesirable; but 1 believe that it will be asked for by the concurrent voice of the people and their present Government in order that His Excellency may be entirely satisfied that the present elected authorities do truly represent the people. It ii understood that the two members from Otago (who were deserted by the third just when the Fitzgerald Ministry seemed all-powerful) will leave Auckland entirely satisfied with the result of the two Sessions; »o far, that is, as their Province is concerned, though they of course participate in the common shame at the break-down of the first attempt at Representative Government for New Zealand as a whole.

Poor New Plymouth suffers most from that event. Noother Province stood in such need of fostering aid from the General Legislatme and ihe friendly action of a General Executive empowered to assist her. Her representatives, prompted by her Superintendent, joined the majority early, and have stuck to it throughout; and they go home to report that they might as well have staid at home for any good that their Province will derive from their visit to Auckland. Except as constant supporters of Fitzgesald and Co. by their votes, they have been thorough nonentities. My advice to them at first, which they adopted, was to fraternize with the Otago members, so that the two Provinces, acting together in the House, should have as much weight for eacli as if each had been represented by six members; but when Superintendent Brown arrived, he upset that arrangement by cottoning witj) the Ministry, and inducing

Messrs. King. Crompton, and Gledhill. to become its devoted I partisans. If the Taranaki people have any seme, they will 1 seize the first opportunity of choosing members and a Superin- I tendent with some notion of the exceptional position of their Province, and of the peculiar means by which amne it can e enabled to emerge from its present stagnation. The Northern community (excepting always the BrcwnCarleton party, which has sunk many degrees through its own blind and silly handling of a fine opportunity for gaming strength) aro rather pleated than otherwise at the issue of the first meeting of the General Assembly. Indeed, they have really

gamed by it in a proportional or comparauve seuw. seriously afraid that, in the General Assembly, they should be swamped by the large Southern majority; and to, most assuredly, they would have been if the Governor had yielded to the Sewell-Filzgerald menaces. They now see the danger, and the narrowness of their escape from it. They joined the South heartily in insisting upon Ministerial Responsibility, and were rewarded for their generous trust in the justice of the South, by being treated with contempt by the first Responsible Government. They were over-crowed, too. in the House of Representatives by the superior debating ability of the Southern members: and though they admitted this with really admirable candour and good humour, yet they could not but feel it. .Vow the South has been disgraced by its own representatives ; and the North has got all that it wants for the present. As the Auckland Superintendent and Council unquestionably enjoy the confidence of the people, there will be no need of Provincial elections here; and the Provincial Government, using the Waste Lands Act which has been substituted for the Sewcll-titzgerald Bill, may work effectually in promoting the settlement of the country and immigration from Home. The admission by the House of Representatives of the justice of relieving Auckland from all'part in the Company’s Debt, has healed a rankling sore in the feelings of the Northern community. Ihe settlement of the Seat-of-Goverument question has been postponed tine die by the blundering of the Fitzgerald Ministry; and Auckland remains the capital of New Zealand. Auckland, which was apprehensive and depressed, now laughs aloud ; and << those laugh who win.” Nor do they laugh the less when they acknowledge that they did not win by their own skill, but by the wretched play of the Southern leaders. And, lastly, the North has gained immensely, with a view to the future, and even to the present in its Provincial affairs, by the lessons in politics which this first meeting of the Assembly has taught. Henceforth Auckland will be as political as Wellington or Nelson ; and this, considering what sort of a constitution we live under, will prove incalculably beneficial t® a community which never thougnt atiout politics before the Assembly met. On the whole, Auckland may well be delighted. I shall not close this letter till after the Prorogation, which is now fixed for Saturday, at three o’clock-

Kith September. The Prorogation is over. Of course it’was a quiet affair. Vou will admire his Excellency’s good humour in complimenting the [Houses on their work during the brief Session. Some useful work hat been done, but not much. If I had time to explain you would understand that the best of it really originated with tlie Legislative Council, whose position enabled some of its members to “arrange” matters with the majority in the other house. A good example is the process whereby the Fitzgerald party in our house, represented by Bell in the Council, made believe to approve the “ Amendments” which wholly changed the character of their measure. Speaking generally, the proceedings in our house have been most unsatisfactory, not to say disgusting. “Order” was deliberately suspended. Voting of the Estimates were little better than a scramble among the Provinces, and often “ for a friend.” At last, when the House had become utterly exhausted with mental and bodily fatigue, by many day’s work of fourteen hours’ each, a few strong members amused themselves by moving abstract Resolutions of the most important character, which wefe adopted of course. It was a burlesque of legislative deliberation and action To me, therefore, and indeed I believe to alt for one reason or another, our dismissal is an immense relief. Frem yours most sincerely, E. G. Wakefiii.d. P, S.—With reference to the statement above, that the SewellFitzgerald Ministry was urged on to self-destruction by violent counsellors, the following extract from a leading article in the “Southern Cross” of the 2i‘th August last—a paper wnich gave the most devoted support to that Ministry, and which treats their memory as “ blessed"—will convey to you, in an amusing form, the Ministerial organ idea of the beginning of their end. After describing the delicious smoothness of the first part of their career, the “ Cross” continues thus—“ But these halcyon days were not of long duration. Sinister rumours were beginning to spread without, and a certain feeling of dissatisfaction —of vague suspicion —was beginning to arise within the house. Some of the firmest supporters ot the Ministry were growing uneasy, fearful that they were being trifled with, and anxious that something definite should be arrived at. In fact, the Ministry had been as remiss with the Mouse as Sir Andrew Aguecheck with Olivia, and had sailed accordingly into the North Pole of the House’s opinion, where they were hanging like icicles on a Dutchman’s beard, until they should redeem it by some notable effort, either of valour or of policy. There was nothing for it but to exasperate them to awake their dormouse valour, to put fire in their hearts, jand brimstone in their livers; —a process tvhich was performed upon them by some of their most staunch allies. [We readily insert the above letter, as no doubt it will be read with interest by many of our Northern as well as our Southern subscribers. —Ei>.]