ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE.

New Zealander, Volume 9, Issue 744, 1 June 1853, Page 3

ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE.

To the Editor of the New-Zealander. Sir,—Now that the registration is complete, we may draw attention to the consequences likely to result from the choice to be made by the people, applied to the powers to be exercised by our Superintendent. 1 he probability of enlarged powers being conferred, and the advantages to be derived from personal influence both within and without the district. This subject should have been discussed at a prior period, of which we have become aware only lately, from the knowledge now obtained that many persons have been led to consider this as a mere question of the advantages derivable from a civil or military person. The course taken by Mr. Brown, however, has made the people to know not only the real nature of this question, but will also afford them a guide, on other electoral occasions, to apply with due caution the principle of unbiassed and individual freedom of opinion before compromising their votes, and of eliciting from the candidates an exhibition of their views for the duties which they are offering to undertake. We learn from previous discussion that the duties of Superintendent may be (according to the will of the Governor) of a very confined nature, little more extended than the borough mayor; thus, instead of making one of the municipal council, and having a double vote, he will not sit with them in deliberation, but independently of them pass his veto on the bills or measures submitted to their consideration ; bis disapproval negativing their decisions; while his approval must again be sanctioned by the Governor-in-Chief. = As Superintendent, it will be big duty to bring before the Council all bills for raising money; that is, assessments, licensing, and 'other local taxes, for the purpose of carrying on any public work, which taxation will form no part of the general revenue. This latter will be appropriated by the General Assembly, and of which a residue may, ° r niay not, come to the disposal of the local Council. By this we see that the ?u-

perintendent can impede tbe doing - a public work, while the Council alone can fix the rate of taxation to be levied, and the work to which it should be applied. Patronage, such as colleclors, overseers, &c., would lay mostly with tbe Council.

Legislation, then, being only in the General AssemAssembly, where the Superintendent has no voice, any objections to the measures there passed, must, in the first instance, he maintained by our twelve representatives, and against the opinions of the other twenty-five; or by petition of the people, through the Superintendant, to the Governor-in-Chief. In such the Superindant would appear a passive instrument, unless acting distinctly, and in hostility, and then, if having no influence with the Government, might have an injurious appearance to the cause of the petition. Here ends the power of the Superintendent to do good, though not to do evil. As the powers to be given to the Superintendent rest with the Governor-iu-Chlef, we may rest assured he will exercise his powers according to the opinion he man entertain of the individual presented to him, and if he be a person obnoxious, he will leave all he can to the discretion of his successor. If Colonel Wynyard, as Commander of the Forces, succeeds to the Government on the retirement of the present Governor, on leave, or from ill health, we may hope every possible advantage ; not forgetting that the favourable expression of the people now, may tend to promote his continuance in New Zealand a much longer period; and, I think, much more to be desired than anew Governor, connected with the interests of the Southern Settlements,—a circumstance very likely to take place, from the present Ministers in power. We must, therefore, see how necessary it is to obtain, before such change take place, as enlarged privileges as possible for our Superintendent.

It is vain to tell us it is a matter of indifference who we choose.every one must admit that on seeking benefits from others, the most likely person to obtain them is some one standing on favourable intimacy, with, and not one obnoxious to the power solicited. W hen we consider that tins district is no longer a a separate Government, but henceforth to be one in common with others of opposing interests to ours ; that our revenue and other resources are equal to all the others, yet their combined numerical strength, in Council, is greatly superior, we must suppose that many local improvements may be impeded, and must feel that tbe disposal of our revenue will, in fact, be in their control and not in ours ; and, consequently, that our greatest protection lays on such measures as Sir George Grey may adopt in our favour before quitting this Government. And as this Province has been his own peculiar Government, and which he was sent specially to retrieve from tbe anarchy into which it bad fallen, and as its future progress will be founded on the position in which he (Sir George) may leave it, and upon which, also, his character for ability is to be established by a future judgment from the results thereof, and not upon any imaginary opinions now, —there can he no question but that his desire must he to do as much as possible for the advantage of this Province especially previous to his resigning the Government, But we are told Governor Grey never has done any good to this Province, and by consequence, the making of our roads, the proper auditing and regulating our revenue, tire official publication of our commercial transactions, their nature and amount, &cc., are all owing to some one else than the Governor. By way ot illustration that some such opinion has obtained among unreflecting men, we hear that on Sir George Grey expressing his satisfaction at the progress made in this district since his last visit, one of Mr. Brown’s deludees is reported to have said, —“ Yes, man, you see we can do well enough without you ! ” Although this person’s own progress was aided by the Governor’s Squatting Regulations, he verily believed that the measure was owing entirely to Mr. Brown, whose firm were the first parties to obtain the largest share of advantages derivable therefrom ; and because Mr. Brown had said, even while he was enriching himself by the Governor’s beneficial arrangements, that Sir George Grey never had, and never would do anything good for Auckland, Mr. Brown’s authority was supposed the best, although be bad not travelled through the country to examine its resources, or to study the native character, uncoloured by temporary disputes ; hut he had been the eager recipient of every personal grievance, and thus supposed he knew better than any other man what ought to be done—-(if we were to add—for his own particular party —we should bo much nearer, although not quite tbe absolute truth.) To examine Mr. Brown’s avowed political doings, as far as we can discover them (for assertions of disapprobation are no proof that the measures he would have recommended must have been more advantageous), and seeing that we not only do not know what they were to have been,, much less what might have been the results ot untried measures, we shall come to the fact brought out by Mr. Brown himself. On testifying the impossibility of refusing his approbation to tbe late Cheap Land measure, he singularly enough stated—“.which ice had been eleven long years labouring for.” Then concludes with tbe strange insinuation—“ if it he legal;” thus, publicly declaring bis own doubts of tbe possibility of the Governor being able lawfully to do tho very act “ for which he had been labouring these eleven long years.” This if seems to have been intended as a saving clause, in case he found our enemies at the South able to defeat tho measure; then would he quietly turn round and tell us—Did not I intimate it was not legal? or, in other words, that Sir George Grey had not power to do that for which he (Mr. Brown) professes to have been labouring to obtain these eleven long years. Thus, the more we enquire what Mr. Brown has done, the less there appears to support his pretensions. We shall quote another instance of Mr. Brown’s ability to serve Auckland, —perhaps the only one in which he has acted decisively—that is, the getting up a memorial or address against the New Zealand Company’s debt. In which case he professes, that the address sent by the people was such a tissue of nonsense, and, accordingly, preferred sending home his own private memorial, (intended to proceed from the Province, but which lie could get none in the Province to sign) which contained all the legal and other objections that could be raised on the question. Thus asserting that the people of Auckland were altogether incapable of maintaining their own cause, and (hat he, the only capable man in Auckland, voluntarily thrust himself forward, then, as now, to be their salvation !

Really Mr. Brown should go Lome to England, there to represent tills colony. Unquestionably it would be well for the colony to pay him to keep him out of it. But it is doubtful if Mr. Brown would there have his ambition gratified, inasmuch as ho would be exposed to conflicts, without results, and which would contrast his powers in feeble comparison with the talent of even the small men of the mother country. May this be the cause why Mr. Brown, rather than come into contact with the intelligence of the Southern Settlements, would prefer sinking down into the Superintendent’s chair, where his capacity would he untested, his ambition gratified, and the local duties; it would entail leave all the necessary leisure for attention to his private speculating affairs. It is a remarkable fact that no statements have been advanced as to the opposing nominee being the most fit person, except the uprightness of his conduct on a i«rmer tried occasion, Lis disconnexion with all parlies, and his freedom from any personal interests, fc’o much does he stand aloof from anything like a competition with Mr. Brown that the situation can be presented to him only with clean hands ; and it is indeed on this fact that his opponents rest their chief hopes, stating they have, and can, resort to means which lie, from his position, cannot, as they know he would not do. The explanation why Mr. Brown should venture to assert his pretensions, under such circumstances, are to be found (like his other policy) in circumstances that have gone by, hut are not forgotten- It is well known that Mr. Whitaker made no exertions to obtain a precedence at the last election, that if he had, be might have obtained one hundred more votes; Captain Salmon's Committee were in a position to record many more votes for him until a short time before the close of the poll, when Brown’s party used every stratagem to have them polled for Mr. Brown alone—else Captain Salmon would have been far a-bead of Mr. Brown’s numbers. But Mr. Brown bad then a sharp contest with the fourth candidate, and that, to enable him to succeed, bis party was obliged to have*recourse to the spare votes of the two superior gentlemen, without which it was far moie than probable °tlie other candidate also would Lave outstripped him. The friends of the two first gentlemen looked upon this manoeuvre of Mr. Brown as merely a piece of Ins vanity to appear high in the poll. They did not see that it was directed specially to the present question. T hey did not consider that Mr. Brown knew as well as did the friends of a retiring candidate, that that Council would never sit, and, consequently, be did not spend his money to obtain a place to serve the ■public, but to make it appear in the eyes of the Wellingtonians, that be stood the first, man in Auckland, and could control its Councils. Those gentlemen should have known it duty to poll as many votes as they could (ns in England), that each candidate might

know the estimation in which he stood in the Province. In such case there would now have been no contest. In IVI r. Brown’s appeal, he tolls us that “ the altered state of circumstances may. and no doubt will demand a very different couise of action or, otherwise, that he will no longer adhere to the old one line of action, but must square his conduct to what may be most expeditor him, lest, if he chanced to get in, he should be kicked out. How, then, will this accord with the statements of his adherents, who talk about tho consistency of supporting Mr. Brown, and of turning Brown coats Grey. Mr. Brown himself apparently, for this occa-ion, becoming Grey. Are these consistent persons to change their opinions whenever Mr. Brown deems it proper to change 7 By such a course it appears, it is not the merits of a measure or a cause, but the opinions of some one man that we must support through thick and thin, and thus become like their leader, consistent in opposition to some one man, and consistently inconsistent in the support of good measures. Truly their Brown coats would soon be very dingy under this effect of change ot climate. When wo consider the result of the Registration, and learn that Colonel Wynyard’s Committee have received promise of nine hundred votes in tho neighbourhood of Auckland, to which may safely be added 25J more, as appears by returns from outposts, and that there are are many in Auckland who declare they will not vote for Brown, and others, again, lor reasons best known to themselves, declare they will not vole for either party. And when we consider the numbers tied by interested motives to his party, we have this one startling fact.the strong and almost unanimous objections to the danger accruing from Mr, Brown’s ascendency. If it were possible to think that a large number of voters could he drawn aside by the various temptations, the indignant feelings of the better-informed part of the community wottld compel a resignation of his ill-got honours, or he would remain a deserted and blighted monument of illdirected ambition—a case that would not have happened had there been a competitor of similar standing with Mr. Brown, to whom the same weapons were equally fair and available.

We shall, however, yet notice another point. As Mr. Brown’s friends have rested much oubisability and merits, (we suppose they mean deserts,) and as we have not yet discovered any prominent marks of his claims, we will again endeavour to find them, by examining tho field of his labours. The first thing presented is, his unwearied exertion to keep up that “ instrument of vengeance,” the Southern Cross, and to do tills, we are told, he has sacrificed a great deal of money, for which, those who have paid him lor the reading, and thus testified their approbation of its principles, are the most proper persons to show their obligation and consistency by paying a portion of his losses. But those who are of an opposite opinion will be rather disposed to judge of Mr. Brown’s deserts, according to the patronage it has received, of which, the awkward fact of certain parties being requested to prevent its falling by exerting themselves to obtain additional subscribers, does not establish any great sense, on the part of the reading public, of an appreciation of its inerts, or approval of its policy, which line of policy Mr. Brown now intimates, very softly, it will be expedient to change. An opposition journal, conducted upon true principles of discussing the merits of a policy, or questions of policy, conveying, as it must, a great deal of insight into and knowledge of consequences, would need no aids to prop it up; but when, for want of matter or ability, it descends to personal abuse and coarse language, it must have formed a low estimate of its readers, or speedily fall a victim to its own malicious propensities. The state of the Southern Cross does not furnish us with any evidence of the ability or merits of its proprietor, Nevertheless, on this, we believe, be rests bis principal pretensions. Were we to continue its examination, we should make this letter too long, and we will offer only a few general observations. We would ask if Mr. Brown has ever obtained for Auckland any one good? If he has ever cast his eyes beyond his own desk, or examiu - d the political horizon of our Province? Did lie, when in Council, propose any good measure, or defeat any bad one? Did lie ever maintain his argument against Sir George Grey ? Was it not notorious, that while he was defeated on the instant on any point Mr. Brown himself required at least a day to find a weak point to rest an argument upon ? Has Mr. Brown ever assorted himself to that society where his reasonings might have been available, or where he could have furnished himself with a more perfect knowledge of the Government policy, and of the opinions of more able, more learned, and more practically enquiring men ? Has he ever made any journeyings 10 examine the social and political prejudices of the native population, or the facilities for opening up the country ? Has he taken any trouble to acquire a knowledge of the language, to enable him to test the intelligence of (he na'ive mind, towards carrying on a safe and systematic scheme of amalgamation of the two races? Has he done anything towards education : the preparation for a judicial application of the powers of the native mind towards its share in the constitutional jurisdiction of their country ? But to avoid unnecessary questions, has ho not confined himself to the advancement of his own affairs, and interfered against public abuses only when those abuses encroached upon the domain of his .own operations ? He has said little against the late unequal scale of duties for raising a revenue, for he has always taken good care to make the dealers and consumers pay—and while the Government have been content with 10 per cent import duty—-he has not considered do or-10 per cent too much for his own share—hut all the while cryingout against direct taxation for paving our streets or making our roads. Surely, as one of your correspondents shrewdly remarks, if these are the only services of which be can hi asf, “ there are many men to be met in the streets of Auckland who have higher claims than this self-lauded man to entitle them to be termed the saviour of the country.’’—Your’s &c,, No iNDIFJERIiNT LoOKKUON. Northern Division, May 24, 185 C. To the Editor of the Nkw-Zealander. Sir, — Although it lias a somewhat novel appearance to those who have been accustomed to notice the etiquette with which (amongst much that is violent and extreme) elections are conducted in the “ old countric,” to see the proprietor of a newspaper, a candidate for the suffrages of the people, prostituting that powerful vehicle to the unfair abuse and detraction of his opponent, and the unblushing bespattering of praise upon himself; still, in common with many of Colonel Wynyard’s supporters, I cannot do other than rejoice that Mr. Win. Brown has opened “the new ground,” of looking into the past acts of the candidates. It is, however, to he regretted that Mr. Brown lias not availed himself of the much fairer ground —on to which he has been so often 'invited to step, viz r—the showing what exertions he Iris made for the benefit of the Province that offer any guarantee for his fitness for the office for which he has, uncalled for and uninvited, offered himself, and to which he so boldly aspires. But ho has not ventured to explain how they do so. It appears that he dare not, for if lie could, it would certainly he more likely to get him a few stray votes than the disseminating threu ;h his newspaper, a budget of statements in opposition to the other candidate —although even he, at the same time, feels obliged to admit “ they may he facts, or they may he fictions” I think the public are indebted to you for the exposure to tho few who are unacquainted with the facts, that they are most undoubtedly, and undeniably “ fictions.” There is, however, one part of Mr. Brown’s attack upon his opponent to which you have omitted to allude,—the charge that he did not, whilst in office of Licut.-Go-vernor, expend the public money in keeping iu repair the walk outside the Government garden and the Barrack wall. I happen to know the facts of the case and by your permission will supply that deficiency. The Southern Cross of this morning says “probably in selecting tho promenade round the Government Lawn, we did not adduce one of the strongest illustrations of the late Lieut.-Governor’s neglect.” If this be an illustration at all, I will show in a few words, that it is, like all those of the Southern Cross, a very water colored one, easily wiped off with the sponge of truth. The desirableness of a pathway connecting that around the Government garden to one made by two private parties iu a part of Symonds-street, and so on to tho upper part of, that street, near the windmill,'was greatly felt by one or two of the few living iu that direction to whom Hie soiling of their shoes was objectionable. 1 he pc-r----sou avlio is the ostensible writer ot the article

which makes this one of the points of attack upon Colonel Wynyard, busied himself in getting a subscription together for the purpose of making this pathway and railing it in. 1 gave my mite to it with pleasure, the more so as 1 did not concur with the collector of the subscription in his abuse upon the local Government in not attending to a matter in which so very few were concerned, whilst many great thoroughfares were requiring public money laid out upon them. If I mistake not. Colonel Wynyard’s name was upon that subscription list; but of this I am certain, that the very man who is now aiding in the abuse of Colonel Wynyard, but whom he was only, a few months since praising for bis “ public spirit,” his “ profuse hospitality,” his kind permissions, his “ good-natured considerations,” quite to fulsomeness, was at that time rejoicing that he had induced him, on the representation that there were no labourers to he got in the town, to consent t,o some of the fatigue men being employed upon it, and he, the editor of the Southern Cross, was himself employing and paying them on thh work !! Suppose for one moment the care of the monies which were at the disposal ' t of the late Corporation, before Mr. William Brown and his party prevented the use of them for public purposes, having been at the command of the Executive Government, what would the Cross have said, or rather what ought it to have said, to he consistent with its boasted profession of guardianship of the public rights, if, to please the fancy or suit the convenience of a few fashionable promenaders, one or two toadying Gobbles, or the occupiers of the two or three houses in Symondstreet, Colonel Wynyard had caused the expenditure of a single penny to keep yip this pathway, whilst drays were quagged to their axles in Wynd-ham-street, and the hundreds going to their homos or their worship up that street, \V est Queen.street, or Victoria-street., were knee-deep in mire. It would truly have been too bad, and one would not have been disinclined to agree to even the lashing of the Cross on such an abuse. Now I must expose, I think, the most shameful and disgraceful instance of untruthfulness and inconsistence ever witnessed in a public newspaper. It would be easy to find some ten or twelve similar in this day’s Southern Cross article —I will be content with one : From the Southern From the Southern Cross, 2d Dec., 1851, in Cross, May 31st, 1853. a notice to Correspon- “ The Government dent, evidently in an- Lawn from whichLieut.swer toacomplaintahout Col. Wynyard excluded the regulation of cn- the public is really a trance to the Govern- matter of some imporment grounds ; tance; because it shows “ But why should how clearly the word of 4 Saunter' discuss it with command is resorted to so much bitterness ‘i May instead of the rule of not an anxiety to pre- reason and justice. This serve public decorum ho arbitrary and most often - quite as likely to cause sive act is attempted to the restriction complain- be justified, because ed of, as the more un- “ idle boys and drunken worthy one of a desire of men had repeatedly torn exclusion ? Arm the up or otherwise destroy-Lieut.-Governor’s acts cd the shrubs and flowers are in favour or such and had annoyed and a supposition. In all insulred ladies walking THINGS HE HAS EVINCED ill the grounds.” V 0 a desire to AccosiMO- however, make no outdate and 011LIGE. * * cry. We are simply The same licence com- showing that the Ruler plained of here was who could so arbitrarily carried to such auda- and frivously exclude cioas and indecent height the public from the in the Sydney Govern- Government Lawn, exinent gardens that en- hibits a spiritof Military ergetic measures to pro- domination very adverse tect the public became to _ that which should imperative. guide a Civil Superintend en t, chosen volun ta rily and freely by the public” Let the Public he the Judge. A Lover of real Consistency. Tuesday, May 31, 1853. To the Editor of the New-Zealander. Sir, —How amusing it is to see men act like “ Ostriches” and by plunging their heads into the sand, fancy they cannot be seen by their pursuers. Does “ a Voter for Mr. Brown” actually fancy he conceals himself under his “Incognito V * If so, he is mistaken. “ Old Practical” is not ashamed of any note he ever wrote to anybody, but he does feel ashamed of these midnight assassins who stab in the dark hut dare not shew a hold front. Mr. Brown’s standing army are nearly all of this stamp ; they are all in the hack-ground ; if they shew their faces, they seem to he ashamed of their names, —perhaps they consider that “discretion isThe best part of valour,” and prefer bush fighting to plain, manly, and open warfare. “Live and let live”—Mr. Brown’s motto indeed! Hear it, ye Grocers, Butchers, and General dealers ! Hear it ye Farmers, and Cattle dealers ! Listen to it ye late comers into our Colony, who are seeking for small 50 and 100 acre allotments, but can find none, as this grab-all firm, in its various ramifications, have swamped you. Mr. “ Live and let live” will perhaps sell you some small plots at 30s. or 40s. per acre.—No, Sir, I have just been long enough in the Colony to see that the Practical' Skill men, spoken of by “a Voter for Mr. Brown,”,or, to drop disguise, by friend “John,” must be mere instruments, tools, that is, iu Mr. Brown’s hands, or they will not bo tolerated. Whcie are the independent supporters of Mr. Brown I—men unfettered by business or money tics. I sec them not. But not so the other side. I could even point to some who, for want of sufficient knowledge of the man, will probably vote for Mr. Brown, although their connexions might be supposed to influence them to vote for the other candidate. Still the Colonel and his friends can respect their independent exercise of the suffrage. Not so, however, with Mr. Brown. It is “think with me,” “think as I do,” or yon must he drummed out ot the camp, yea, out of the Colony ! And this is the man who wishes us to put him in authority over us I Old Practical.