IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Friday, May 3. New Zealand.

New Zealander, Volume 8, Issue 667, 4 September 1852, Page 3

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS.— Friday, May 3. New Zealand.

Sir J. Pakington moved that the passage in Her Majesty's Speech relating to New Zealand be read. It was accordingly read by the clerk at the table as follows : — "The act of 1848 for suspending the operation of a previous act conferring representative institutions on New Zealand will expire early in tbe next year. lam happy to believe tbat there »a no neceesitj for its renewal, and that no obstacle any longer exists to the enjoyment of representative institutions by New Zealand. The form of these institutions will, however, require your consideration ; and the additional information which has been obtained since the passing of tbe act in question will, I trust, enable you to anive at a decision beneficial to that important colony.'' Sir J. Pakingion then rose to make the motion of which he had given notice, for leave to bring in a bill to give a representative constitution to New Zealand. He did this, he said, under a feeling of very great onxiety, deeply sensible as he was of the importance, difficulty, and responsibility (of framing a new representative constitution for a colony so peculiar, in many respects, as the colony of New Zealand. When, upon coining to occupy the arduous office he now filled, he first turned his attention to the question of the present government of New Zealand his inclination and intention were to move the suspension, for another year of the government enacted in 1846, and since suspended ; but when this intention became known to many persons in this country who were deeply interested m the welfare of New Zealand, and were anxious that the blessings of the Biitish constitution should be extended to that colony as speedily as possible, he received from those persons representations so strong of the inconvenience and injury of the delay which had already taken

place, of the full expectation (Wired from the late Government, and confiimed by Her Majesty's speech, that no furthpr time would bp lost in settling this important question, and of the hardship unqn the colony of being deprived of their civil rights in consequence of the accident of a change of Administration in this country, an argument which, if it availed now, might, for the same reason, avail m-^t session ;— he received, he repea'ed, representations on these grounds so strong, that he felt bound to spare no labour on his own part to satisfy wishes so reasonable in themselves and so justified by circumstances, and he had therefore, with the concurrence of his colleagues, prepared the measure which he now proposed to submit to the House. At the same time he felt called upon to say, that with every anxiety to meet the wislios so erpiessed, it would hire been utterly impossible for him, amid his multitudinous and arduous occupations, and in the short time he Lad filled the office, to even endeavour to settle this question, bad it not been for the very important assistance he had derived from the mate.ials prepared for a measure which had been left in the office by his predecessor, from the valuable suggestions of the present able Governor of New Zealand, and from the suggestions also of the gentlemen connected with the colony to whom be bad alrendy adverted. Without tracing back the history of New Zealand, he might observe that this colony, one of the most interesting, was also one of the most recently acquired dependencies of the British Crown. The first advance of civilization there was effected by missionaries of the Christian Mission jn 1808; and their visits were followed up by those of merchants and others connected with trade, whose intercourse with the natives by degrees led to irregularities and even crimes, which it became necessary for the Government at home to put a stop to. In 1832, accordingly, a bill was brought into the House of Commons for the prevention of crimes " committed by Her Majesty's subjects in New Zealand and other islands of the Pacific, not being within Her Majesty's dominions :" so that, only twenty years ago, New Zealand had not come to be considered as within the dominions of this realm. In 1833, however, a consul was sent out on the part of Great Britain to act as Governor, so soon as the cession of property from the natives to the British colonists should be effected ; in 1840 the noble lord opposite, then Colonial Secretary, issued further instructions ; and under the noble lord's authority the first steps were taken for annexing this colony of New Zealand as a dependency to the Crown of Great Britain ; so that it was only 12 years since New Zealand became a dependency of this realm. The progress of the colony, for a time considerable, was then retarded by various ciicumstances, and, among 1 others, by the rebellion of the natives in 1845 ; the circumstances of which must be fresh in the recollection of the House. But in 1846, the rebellion having been suppressed, Viscount Howick, who had lately succeeded to the seals of the Colonial Office, resolved to grant to the colony a representative government, a resolution for which he did not propose to cast any blame upon the noble lord. But when the constitution so determined on was sent out to the colony, the Governor, Sir G. Grey felt great apprehension that it would not suit the then existing state of the population, and more especially that of the natives, whose rebellion had only been put down the year before, and whose character and position Sir G. Grey conceived had not been sufficiently consulted in the constitution. He therefore returned that constitution to England, with an urgent representation against its being put in force at that time. In the despatch containing these representations Sir G. Grey wrote — " Then it must be borne in mind that the great majority of the native population can read and write their own language fluently ; that they are a people quite equal in natural sense and ability to the mass of the Eu ropean population ; that they are jealous and suspicious; that they now own many vessels, horses, and cattle ; that they have in some instances considerable sums of money at their disposal, and are altogether possessed of a great amount of wealth and property in the country, of the value of which they ere fully aware ; that there is no nation in the world more sensitive upon the subject of money matters, or the disposal of their property; and no people that I am acquainted with are less likely to sit down quietly under what they may regaid as injustice. '• The natives are, at present, certainly not fitted to take a share in a representative form of government; but each year they will become more fitted to ilo so, and each year the numerical difference between the two races will become less striking ; so that a great advantage would be gained by delaying even for a few years the introduction of the proposed constitution into the northern parts of New Zealand." Upon the receipt of this despatch, Lord Howick very properly resolved to adopt the representations of the Governor, and accordingly, in 1849, an act was passed suspending the act of 1846 for five years j that was to say, till March, 1 853. The House, therefore, would see me aosolute necessity of doing something in the present session (hoar, he->r; ; /or, unless legislation took place on ths subject this session, the act 0£_1846 would come into operation. (Hear, hear.) 'lhe question for the Housa to determine was, what that legislation should be. Since 1848 the progress of New Zealand in every respect that could bear on this important question had been of the most satisfactory kind. (Hear, hear.) In 1848 the European population of New Zealand, which had made rapid progress since 1844, did not exceed at the utmost 17,000 persons. At the present time that population might be fairly stated at 26,000 or 27,000. (Hear, hear.) In 1848 the value of goods exported from New Z aland was £44,215; in 1850 that value had increased to £115,414. This progress, he was 3ure, the House would regard as most satisfactory. (Hear, hear.) In the revenue of the colony, even as between 1845 and 1850, the increase had been in like inauner most satisfactory. In a despatch dated the 11th of October, IGSI, m repor'ing on the blue-book for the previous year, Sir George Grey observed :—: — " From an analysis of the returns connected with the revenue and expenditure of both provinces, it would be found that the ordinary revenues of the islands for 1850 had, in comparison with the year 1849, increased by no less a sum than £9154 11s. 9d., these .'evenues having risen from £18,589 Os. Id. in 1849, to 57,743 16s. lOd in 1850, the increase being chiefly made up of an increase of about £4000 in the, revenues derived from duties of Customs, and an increase of about jfsooo in | the revenues derived from the sale of land ; and this augmentation of the revenues took place notwithstanda largo decrease in the expenditure of the local Government and of Great Britain on account of military services, the decrease of expenditure by the local Government, as compared with the previous year, amounting to no less a sum than £16,662 2s. 9d. It would also be found that ia the year 1850 the value of the exports from these islands had risen to the sum of £115,425 Us. 7d. ; and it was, fortunately, in his power to report that the general improvement which had taken place in these islands in 1850 had continued to take place with increased rapidity during the year 1851, and that there appeared every reason to believe that the prosperity of New Zealand was now established on a firm basis, and that it would continue to increase certainly and steadily." i Under these circumstances he hoped the House would consider that the time had come when the self-govern-ment which Lord Grey was anxious to give to the colonies ia 1846, and which had been withheld only on account of special circumstances, should be conceded to New Zealand (Hear, hear.) He might be allowed to quote further from a despatch of Governor Grey in October last, which was not yet before the House. He thought the House would feel that the Government were justified in proposing to confer a constitution upon such a colony as this : but there were some peculiarities in the case of New Zealand which rendered it very difficult to decide as to the best mode of granting it a constitution. It was not with New .Zealand as it was with the Cape of Good Hope, or as it was in 1848. in the case of the various colonies of Australia, that the Legislature had merely to decide whether or not the progress aud prosperity of the colony were such as to justify them in putting an end to the mode of government which was adopted in the case of what was called Crown colonies, and substituting free representative institutions in its stead. The case of New Zealand did not admit of their proceeding with such simplicity. Theie were three respects in which the colony of New Zealand was different from almost any other dependency of the Crown. The first was the geographical peculiarity ; the second was the mode of settlement which had been adopted; and the third, and this was perhaps the greatest peculiarity of all, was the very high order of the natural qualities and intelligence of the natives of those islands. (Hear, hear.) Tha geographical pecu lianty of New Zealand — and this applied to both the islands, North and South — consisted m the fact that down the centre of the islands there ran a lofty mountain range, with spuis extending on both sides down to the sea, which tendered a great part of the islands unfit for the purposes of cultivation or of being inhabited, and that it was only in the plains and m the inteivals between the spurs of the mountains that colonization, and cultivation had consequently taken place. The reult of this geographical pecuhauty was, that there was

none of our col6nips in which the irn-ans of communication between one pnrt and another was so difficult as in New Zealand, and that at this moment it was almost impossible to communicate between one New Zealand settlement and another except on foot, and there were not above three of the settlements in which eeer communication on horseback could take place. The second peculiarity was the mode of settlement which had been adopted. Instead of congregating lound one common centre, as was customary elsewhere, the colonists of New Zealand had taken up their residence in different portions of the islands, and thus the different settlements of New Zealand weie now spread over a length of country (embracing boh islands) of 'not less extent than between 800 and 900 mile". (Hear, hear.) The third, and certainly the most interesting peculiarity of New Zealand, was the high character of the native population. ]n the despatch of Sir G. Grey to which he had already adverted, which was dated August, 1851, and which was received here m October last, lhe Governor entered into various particulars with regard to the character of the natives, and their advance in civilization, which he wns sure when the despatch was presented to the House would be read by hon. members with the greatest possible pleasuie ; because a more interesting account of a body of fellow-creatures who had hitherto been regarded as savages could ha-dly be ima gined, and he was sure it would be found to far exceed what the majority of the House could possibly have expected. (Hear, hear.) In the first portion of the despatch Sir G. Grey dwelt at considerable length upon the extraordinary skill and bravery of the natives of New Zealand in the art of war. He stated that they were well armed, that they were capable of acting with the greatest discipline, and of adopting the most approved tactics of war. lie did not see the Secretary at War in the House; but, if he were, he would beg 1 his attention to one expression of Sir G. Giey, where he said that, ''in fact, there can be no doubt that they are for warfare in this country even better equipped than our own troops." After dwelling upon the gallantry and discipline of the natives, the manner in which they were armed, and their fitness for the purposes of war, the Governor went on to give an account of their extra- ; ordinary advances in civilization; and here he begged the House to compare this with the account which he had read of their condition even so lafe as 1847 — " With]} these characteristics of courage and warlike vagrancy, the Maones present, however, other remark able traits of character. Nearly the whole nation has now been converted to Christianity. They are fond of agriculture, take great pleasure in cattle and horses ; like the sea, and form good sailors ; have now many coasting vessels of their own, manned with Maori crews; are attached to Europeans, and admire their customs and manners; are extremely ambitious of rising in civilization and becoming skilled in Euiopean arts; they are apt at learning ; in many respects extremely conscientious and observant of their word ; are ambitious of honours, and are probably the most covetous race in the world. They are also agreeable in manners, and attachments of a lasting character readily and frequently spring up between them and the Europeans. Many of them have also now, from the value of their property, a large stake in the welfare of the country ; one chief has, besides valuable property of various kinds, upwards of £500 invested in Government securities ; several otheis have also sums of from £200 to 400 invested in the same securities. It would appear that a race such as has been described could be easily incorporated into any British settlement, with mutual advantage to both races, the natives supplying agricultural produce, poultry, pigs, and a constant supply of labour (although yet for the most part rude and unskilled) ; whila, upon the other hand, the Europeans would supply the various manufactured goods required by the natives, and provide for the manifold wants created by their increasing civilization. Such a class of settlements might easily grow into prosperous communities, into which the I natives, with characters softened by Christianity, civilization, and a taste for previously unknown luxuries, would readily be absorbed. This process of the incor« poration of the native population into the European settlements has, accordingly, for the last few years, been taking place with a rapidity unexampled in history. Unless some 3udden and unforeseen cause of interruption should occur, it will still proceed, and a very few years of continued peace and prosperity would suffice for the entire fusion of the two races into one nation," He (Sir J. Pakington) thought the House would agree with him, that native tribes who could be thus described by a person who ought to be the most competent judge of the subjects were entitled to every consideration at the hands of a Sovereign, of whom, in the course of events, and by the progress of Christianity and civilization, they bad become subjects, (Hear, hear.) He thought the House would agree with him that in legislating for a paople such as he had described their object should be not to give them an opportunity of showing their courage and piowessm war; but theirs should be the happier task of endeavouring 1 to teach them the blessings of peace and the arts of civilization (hear, hear); to lead~them- to the exercise of that Christianity which they had so rapidly embraced ; and that their legislation should be so shaped as to draw as little distinction F.a possible between the European an native inhabitants of the colony. (Hear.) But as he had said, before, the peculiarities of New Zealand to which be had adverted rendered it impossible that they should proceed to give a constitution to that colony upon the same plan as that on which they had proceeded to give constitutions to colonies differently situated. It was the opinion of Lord Grey to some extent in 1848, but in his later plans still more, and it was also the opinion of Sir George Grey the Governor of New Zealand, that in adopting a constitution for a colony so situated it was absolutely necessary that they should provide not only for ajgeneral central legislature, but also for the government of the smaller communities which were placed along the shores of the colony. The arrangement of the local government of these communities was a question upon which, he was aware, great difference of opinion had arisen. He believed that there was no difference of opinion among those who had paid attention to the subject, that in some way or other a separate government should be given to those detached localities ; but the difference of opinion had arisen upon the question as to whether, on the one hand, those detached communities should be dealt with as different and independent colonies, forming, so to speak, federate colonies, with one general Legislature governing the whole, after the model of the United States of America, or after the plan originally intended by Lord Grey, but afterwards abandoned, in the Bill for the Government of the Australian Colonies ; or whether on the other hand, these detached communities should be regarded as a portion of one colony, having each a local Legislature or Government, not exactly in the nature of , a municipality, but approaching to that character, with one central body, having a general superintendence of the affairs of the country. This, as he had said, was a very difficult question, and one upon which great difference of opinion existed ; but Her Majesty's Government, after the best consideration they had been able to give to the subject, had come to the opinion that, looking to the hope which they entertained that as the population of the islands increased they would I gradually spread alobg the coast and become more and more connected with each other ; looking to the general extent of the islands, and the probability that as civilization advanced the means of communication both by sea and land would be materially improved, the better plan would be to consider the whole as one colony, and deal with the detached localities, as small but independent communities. (Hear, hear.) He would now proceed to explain to the House the manner in which Iler Majesty's Government proposed that these local legislations should be framed. In the plan of Earl Grey which he had found at the Colonial-office — and he believed that the same plan had been recommended by Sir George Grey — it was proposed to divide the islands into five provinces, viz., Auckland, Wellington, Canterbury, Nelson, and Otago. But he (Sir J. Pakington) could see no reason why the settlement of New Plymouth shold not also be made into a separate province. In point of distance it was situated not less than 200 miles from Auckland, on the one side, and Wellington on the other ; and he thought he need hardly point out to the House that if they were to give the right of free institutions and self-government to a small community situated 200 miles fiom the other community to which it was proposed to be attached, it would be giving it those advantages rather in name than in reality. ("Hear, hear.) The settlement of New Plymouth, he begged to say, was highly respectable as regarded the class of emigrants who lal gone there, and that in point of population it was not inferior to some of the other s ettlements which it was proposed to constitute into provinces. The Government therefore proposed that t he Islands should be divided into six instead of five provinces, viz. :— Auckland, Wellington, Canterbury, Nelson, Otago, and New Plymouth. They proposed, likewise, that these separate provinces should each be governed by an officer, to be called a superintendent.

This also was part of the plan of Earl Grey. A question liad anspn how the superintendents should be appointed 1 The Governor had recommended that the office should be elective. Her Majesty's Government proposed, however, (and this, too, coincided with the plan of Earl Grey), that the superintendent should be appoinby the governor of the colony. It was urged by Earl Grey, with great force and truth, that as the Superintendents would be to some extent connected with the executive department, it was wholly without precedent in this empire that any portion of the executive should be of an elective character. (Hear, hear.) The Government therefore thought that it would be far better that those officers should be named by the governor in the colony, instead of being either elected there, or sent out from her? by the Colonial-office. It was, of course desirable that those officers should enjoy the respect of the colonists residing in the various provinces, and it seemed to the Government that for this end it was important that those appointments should not be subject to the paity arrangements of this country, where the Government might be tempted to send out members of their own party ; but that it should he left to the governor of the colony, upon his own responsibility, to select persons in tbp colony whom he should consider well qualified for che office. (Hear, hear.) They proposed that the salary of £500 bhould he given to each of those officer 1 ?. But, of course this was a matter for subsequent consideration. The hon. baronet opposite (Sir W. Molesworth) seemed to think that the sum of £500 was too high ;but he should recollect that at this very time the Lieutenant -Governors of New Ulster and New Munster had£Boo each (Hear, hear.) Besides thee superintendents, it was proposed that in each of the provinces there should be a Legislative Council. It had bepn a question of considerable doubt whether the provincial councils should consist of one or two chambers. It appealed however, to the Government that, look-ing to the small population which those SPltlements now contained, there was no ground to think that the elements existed out of winch two chamhers could be piopeilv and respectably constituted, (Hear, hear.) Theie was another question of some difficulty, — as to whether the chimber should He wholly elective, or should be constituted in part of nominee members. The plan which Ilrr Majesty's Government recommended was different from that in favour of which Earl Grey had decided. Earl Grey decided that one-third of the members should be nominees, and the Governor had refommrnded the adoption of the same course. He (Sir J. Faking ton) was aware that he was talcing upon himself in departing from the recommendation both of Lord Grey and the governor of the colony ; but, looking to the character of the communities, looking to the limited nature of the duties which the members of council would have to discharge; above all, looking to the jealousy of nominee members of that kind which they knew to exist in New Zealand, to"such an extent, indeed, as to render it difficult in such small communities to find gentlemen who would undertake to act upon those terms, — looking to all these points, Her Majesty's Government thought it better to recommend that the proposed Legislative Councils of a single chamber should be wholly elective. (Hear.) Another important question remained, with regard to the amount of franchise which should confer the right of voting for the members of the provincial councils. And here he begged to say, that teeling the impossibility of judging of the matter at this distance from the colony, feeling that their want of local information was such as to disable them from saying whether one franchise was more proper than another for a colony so situated, the Government had thought it better altogether to place confidence in the recommendation of Sir G. Gipy, and to adopt the franchise which he had determined upon, viz., that the franchise should be given to every man possessing a fieehold worth £50 or in the occupation of a bouse in a town worth a-year, or of a house in the country worth £5 a-year, or in possession of a leasehold which had three years to run and was worth, £10 per annum. (Hear, hear.) For the reason be had mentioned, he would not presume to give an opinion upon this franchise. He would only say that it was the franchise recommended by the Governor, and that he had recommended it as being of a liberal and comprehensive nature. (Hear, Hear,) He begged to say also that, in consequence of the great advance of the natives m civilization, the Government proposed to draw no distinction between the natives and Europeans with regard to the franchise ; but that whenever a native should be residiog within thelimitsof any of th j provinces, and should be possessed of the requsiteqaulification, he should be regarded as a British subject, and should be as free to exercise the franchise as any of his European neighbours. ( Hear.) There was another question on which he had ventured to differ from Earl Grey, and that was with respect to paying the members of the Provincial councils. Earl G.ey bad recoramenled that members residing at a distance of 10 miles from the place where the council sat should receive £50 on the first clay of the session for expenses. To say, however, that a gentleman j residing at a distance of 9j miles was to discharge his I duty gratuitously, while others, at a distance of 30 miles, should receive £50, appeared to be an inconsistency which he should be sorry to introduce into this bill ; and he thought that wlipii they were intrusting a community with the right of self-government this was one of those things that had better be left to be settlpd by themselves in the manner which they might deem most conducive to their own interests. (Hear.) He now came to a very important pomt — viz., those subjects with regard to which theprovinci.il conncis were to be restricted fiom legi-lating. Thi j y were 14 in number :—lst,: — 1st, they were not to Jpgislate for the imposition or regulation of Customs' duties ; 2d, for the establishment of auy courts of civil or criminal jurisdiction, except for the purpose of trying offences now punishable by thp law of New Zealand ; 3d, for determining the jurisdiction or course of proceedimg of the Supreme Court; 4th, for regulating the cuirent coin of the said island: sth, for deteimining the weights and measures of the said island ; 6th, for regulating the post-office and can iage of letters ; 7th, for enacting laws relating to bankrupts and insolvents; Bth, for the erection and maintenance of beacons and light-houses ; 9th, for the imposition of any duty on shipping; 10th, for regulating marriages; ltth; for interfering with the Crown lands, or any to which the natives title of the aboriginal natives had never been extinguished ; 12th. for inflicting any disabilities or restrictions to which Europeans were not subjected ; 13th, for altering in any way the criminal law of New Zealand ; and, 14th, for regulating the course of inheritance of real or personal property. In addition to the restrictions which had been proposed by Earl Grey these included the dealing with the Crown lands, which by bis article 11 the provincial Legislatures were not to touch. (Hear, hear.) He differed from Earl Grey with respect to the mode in which the acts passed by the provincial Legislatures were to receive final assent. By Earl Grey's plan acts passed by them were to receive the Royal assent, as was the case with all other colonial Legislatures. But, looking to the restrictions which be had just enumerated, and to the limited powers of these piovmcial Lpgislutuies, it seemed better to the Government that those matters should at once be settled without delay, by delegating the power of giving Her Majesty's final assent to the governor. (Hear, hear.) At the same time the governor would have power in any special case to refer home for the Royal assent. He would now describe the manner in which he proposed to constitute the centrnl Legislature. It was to consist of the Governor-in-Chief at its head, with a Legislative Council and a freely-chosen Assembly. The first difficulty was as to the constitution of the Legislative Council, and this was perhaps the most important respect in which Her Majesty's Government bad ventured to differ fr m the decision of Earl Grey. The noble lord had intended that the upper chamber of the Central Legislature should bean elected body; that each of the provincial Legislatures was to elect three persons, who were to constitute the Legislature Council of the Central Legislature. There was not, however, in Her Majesty's dominions any precedent for an elective upper chamber. Even in Canada, where the power of self-government and the freedom of British institutions had been carried further than in any other of the dependencies of the Crown, there had neve r existed any desire for an elective upper chamber ; and, thoagh the noble earl had proposed such a chamber lor the Cape of Good Hope, he was bound to say thpt since be bad been in office he had received communications from the Cape which led him to believe that very considerable objections weie entertained in the colony to that mode of cons ltuting the upper chamber. In preletence to that plan, therefore, he wa a inclined to follow the era mple which existed in every other British colony wheie free institutions were enjoyed and to make the upper ohamb pr a nominee chamber, to be appointed by the Crown, to hold their offices during pleasure. The franchise for the election of the lower chamber was propostd to be exactly the same as for the provincial Legislatures, and it was for the governor to arrange the electoral distncts. The provincial council* should in no instance consist of l'ss than nine members*

to be increased by the governor, r he saw fit. The number of the upper central chamber should not be less than 10 nor more than lf>, ami of the elected central chamber not les« than 2>, nor more than 40. The duration of each Parliament of the Central Legislature was proposed to be five years, and of.' the pi ovine al Legislatures, four years. Whenever the acts of the Central Legislature should come into collision with those of the provincial Legislatures, the former should override the latter. He then proposed that there should be a civil list reserved This was another point on which he believed he differed from Earl Grey. The present civil list was £12,000. a-year. and he proposed that that list should he retained without increase, because, by diminishing the number of judges, they would be enabled to provide for thesalauesof the superintendent of the provinces. He proposed to recommend that the sum of £7000. per annum should be reserved for what ho called " native purposes." (Hear, hear.) It was trup that the natives were to have the same franchises and enjoy the same privileges as Europeans, but there were vast numbers of those intelligent natives contributing largely to the revenue of the country by the consumption of goods who would not have a voice in the election of their representatives. Theiefore ]>c proposed that £7,000. a-year should be reserved for the benefit of those native tribes, and that upon the recommendation of the governor it should be appropriated for the construction and maintenance of hospitals and schools, the payment of resident magistrates, making presents to native chiefs m aeknowlpdgmep' of their sei vices, and generally to other purposes which would (end to promote the prosperity of the natives. (Cheers.) He entertained also a sanguine hope thai the liberality of the colony itself would increase that grant to i larger amount. (Hear, hear.) The management of the Crown lands he pioposed to commit, not to the provincial Legislatures, as Earl Grey had proposed, but to the Central Legislature. He need not remind the House of the complicated nature of the anangements with regard to land in New Zealand. The claims of the New Zealand Company and the Otago Association, and the veiy peculi r powers which, nnder the (authority of an act of Failiament, Jiad been granted to the Canterbury Association, rendered this a very difficult subject. He could only siy, with refcicnce to it, that the measure had been framed ■with a deshe to respect every existing right, and that lie believed the Central Legislature would be better able to deal with those lands then any other body. (Hear, hear.) The House would feel, after the explanation he had endeavoured to give, that in many essential respects this constitution must be regarded as experimental. They must look with hope and expectation to the increasing population and prosperity of the colony, and he could not expect, in shadowing out a scheme of this kind, though sanctioned by the best authorities to which he could turn, that be should succeed in proposing a final and permanent settlement of the mode in which the inhabitants of a colony on the other side of the globe could best govern themselves. He could {only look upon this measure as the commencement of a system which it was very desirable that the colonists should enjoy. It was therefore the intention of the Government to introduce a clause into the bill to enable the Legislatures of New Zealand from time to time to enact such changes in those institutions as they might think best (Hear, hear.) Tor instance, as population increased, should they prefer two chambers to one for the provincial Legislatures, let them so enact it. So also with regard to the constitution of the Central Legislature, and all the arrangements which he had described, he proposed that they should have full power to enact measures meet their own views, s ipulating, as a matter of course, that where constitutional changes of that nature were made they should be reserved for the ultimate approval of the Crown. (Hear, hear.) He begged to thank the House for the indulgence with which they had listened to his lengthened statement. (Hear, hear.) It now remained for them to decide, and he would not shrink from broadly putting the question befoie them, whether this was a bill which came fairly and reasonably within that category of necessary measures to which Her Majesty's present Ministers were pledged to confine their attention. (Hear, hear.) He submitted that question fuiily and frankly to the consideration of the House. His own humble opinion was that it did come within that category. (Hear, hear.) If it should be the judgment of the House that it did not, he should readily bow to that decision ; but, upon one point, he must beg not to be misunderstood — he must beg nil who were interested in the colony of New Zealand to bear in mind that the alternative would be between passing the present measure — of course with suoh amendments as might be agreed to — or passing an act suspending (as we understood) for another year the granting of a constitution to New Zealand. At all events the Govern, ment did not feel justified in allowing the act of 1846 to ievive, and he was fortified in that determination by the opinion of the governor and Earl Grey, who had himself introduced that measure (of 1846) to Parliament. He should state that the Government did not intend this measure to interfere in any way with those municipal institutions which were recommended by Lord Grey, which were part of the measure of 1846, and which were not included in the suspension of that act. The Government consideid it most desirable that those municipal institutions should be extended. It would be for the House to introduce into this bill such amendments as they thought light, and to adopt or reject it. On the part of the Government, he must say that they had endeavoured to do their duty, by not longer withholding from the inhabitants of New Zealand those institutions, for which th»y were naturally and justly so anxious. He was sar^uine enough to hope that the measure would not uitvc with any very serious opposition ; and, if it be passed into a law, he trusted that it mijlit prove the foundation of those advantages to the present colonists of New Zealand and their descendants which had been so long enjoyed and so highly valued in this, their fatheilaud. (Cheers.) Sir R. Inolis said, it was not his intention to enter into tbe general question, but he might observe that he thought, as the colonist in New Zealand carried with him. every social and civil right which he possessed in this country, so he ought also to carry with him the benefit of his religious institutions ; nor did he think that any constitution was complete, or worthy the descendants of Englishmen, which did not in the first instance provide for their religious instruction. He would suggest to the right hon. baronet whether a certain sum ought not to be reserved from the produce of the land sales or from the revenue, in proportion to the population, for this purpose. He thought also, that it was a subject of consideration whether it might not be desirable that the members of the upper chamber which the right bon. gentleman proposed to establish should be elected for life. Mr. Gladstone said he was one of those who had expressed in strong terms the opinion that it was the duty of the Government to confine themselves, under existing circumstances, to the introduction of measures of the most urgent importance only for the consideration of Parliament. He felt, on that account, that it was no more than just that be should now state that, with the feeling he entertained on the question of colonial liberties, and the respect he wished to pay to the sentiments and opinions of his fellow-subjects in the colonies, he thought the Colonial Secretary had done no more than his duty, notwithstanding the state of public affairs, and the gieat issue they were awaiting at home, in submitting to the House of Commons the plan be bad just explained. After all that had taken place in regard to New Zealand— after the Parliament, in 1846, proposed to confer upon that country the benefit of free institutions — after those institutions, which had been suddenly and somewhat rashly given, were still more suddenly withdrawn ; after the state of suspense in which tbe people of that colony had been kept from year to year for so long a time ; and considering likewise their admitted fitness and capacity to exercise the political franchise, he would be deeply grieved if it should prove that the differences of opinion among themselves, with regard to the particular nature of these colonial institutions, were so great as to prevent them from giving the benefit of free institutions to New Zealand. For his own part, being desirous that no fuither delay should take place before that immense boon was conferred upon a body of their fellow-subjects who, he believed, were exceeded by none in their worthiness to receive, and their competency to use, political privileges, be would be glad to lend his right hon. friend any assistance in his power in forwaiding this bill. (Hear, hear.) There were many points in connexion mitu colonial institutions upon which his views might differ from those of the Government, but, under present circumstances, the only question he would be disposed to ask himself was— " Is the bill proposed by the Government, upon the whole, a boon to the colonists such as it would be worth their while to receive ?" He had not the slightest hesitation in saying, after listening to the exposition of bis right hon. friend, that this was a measure embodying many most valuable principles, and one which, under the circumstances in which the Government stood, would be received and hailed with gratitude by the colonists of New Zealand. He would reserre the consideration of tbe particular provisions of the bill for that more full discussion which his right

Hon. friend, he ,was satisfied, would facilitate; but if there was one provision in the measure which he would endeavour to persuade the right hon. gentleman to alter, it was with regard to the constitution of the Legiblative Councils. Looking- to the bill as n whole, however, he thought it would he a boon well woith a grateful reception on the part of the colonists, .and it was th''iefore a measure which did honour to his light hon. fuend and his colleagues, notwithstanding that brief experience of office to which the right hon. gentleman hail modestly alluded. Mr. Y. Smith thought it would have been as well if the introduction of this bill had been deferred until hon. gentlemen hid had an opportunity of seeing the papers relative to the proposed constitution of New Zealand, which were ouly presented to the House that day. lie hoped that, if the House allowed this measure to be laid on the table, they would not be precluded from afterwards saying that the subject required such mature consideration that it was not advisable to come to any determination duung the present session. The right hon, gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) had said that all they had to consider was, whether the bill was a boon to the colonists or not. He (Mr. Smith) thought, however, that it was more important to consider whether tbis measuie was likely to establish a settled constitution for the colony. (Hear, hear.) lie feared that the proposal with regard to the land sales would produce great discontent in the colony of Auatiaha, to which the same system would not be applied ; and ho begged to ask whether the Government meant to propose any qualification for members of the provincial councils or of the gcneial Legislature. Mr. Hume observed that this bill did not relate to a case of emergency, and he considered that the measure ought not to have been intioduced, except with a view affording to the Governmeut an opportunity of stating fully their views on colonial questions, lie believed that unless thp Government made up their minds to do away altogether with nominees in the councils, they would never give satisfaction to the colonists. They had been told by Lord Grey two or three years ago that measures were in progress by which these colonies would be called upon to bear their o.vu expenses, and thus relieve this country from the onerous burden it had borne so long, and hchnd hoped they might have heard something on that subject to-night but his expectation had been disappointed. He thought, that as the Government had not given any explanation of their General colonial policy, this was not a measuae that oaght to take up the time of the House at the present moment. Sir W. MoLEswoiun said it had been justly remarked that New Zealand was very interesting and remarkable colony. In one respect it had certainly been one of the most remarkable colonies Great Biitaiu had ever planted, for in proportion to the number of its European population, and to the period of its existence, it had cost this country a larger sum than any other colony. During the last 11 years they had spent upon New Zealand £1,600,000. in civil, military, and naval expenditure ; and he was convinced that no stop could ever be put to the vast demands upon this country on account of the colony until they gave the colonists free situations. lie would he very sorry to pronouce a decided opinion with regard to all the details of the right honourable gentleman's measure, which was not yet before the House; but, though he would no doubt feel it his duty to object to scflne of those details, he thought, taken as a whole, that thp constitution proposed was one of the most liberal he had heaid of. He objected to the system of nominees, who he was satisfied would not command the respect and confidence of the colonists. He agreed with the right hon. baronet in thinking that, from the peculiar manner in which New Zealand had been colonized, they should develope as much as possible in that colony provincial or municipal institutions. He thought, however, that the salary proposed for the provincial presidents was to high, and that those officers should be elected by the inhabitants of the respective provinces. He believed that the right hon. gentleman's suggestion to vest the disposal of the waste lands in the Central Legislature of the New Zealand would be accepted with great gratitude. Reserving to himself the right of discussing the details of the measure hereafter, he must say he thought it would be a gieat boon to the colony, and that all friends of free institutions ought to assist in passing it into a law. Mr.F Scott did not propose on the present occasion to enter into the general subject. He would observe, however, in reference to what had been said with regard to the Crown lands question, that he thought it was higly desirable that the principle recommended by the Government should be enacted in this Parliament. Colonial reformers should surely desire that 'a measure conferring extended powers of legislation should be carried, rather than a mere suspension act. Mr. P. Howard observed, that the hope held out in Her Majesty's speech had naturally strengthened the desiie to see the institutions of this country, as far as might be, extended to New Zealand ; and he did not despair of seeing something like a solid constitution conferred upon the enterprising colonists who had made that land their home. The pre&ent unsettled state of affairs tended to retard emigration. He agreed that the constitution of the upper house presented a great difficulty ; he did not think it likely tbeie could be very permanent satisfaction unless the representative element was in some measure adopted in that chamber, as well as in the other, though it might be necessary to give seats to certain officials, members of the Government. It might be possible to confine the upper chamber to those who had once served in the lower house ; but he thought an elective principle, however modified, should obtain, and he hoped the Government would consider the point. He hoped the principle of a certain amount of civil list would be sparingly adopted. Beyond one or two officers, perhaps, immediately representing the Crown, it seemed advisable that salaiies should be regulated by the wisdom of those who had chosen New Zealand for their home. He trusted nothing would prevent proceeding whh the bill this session ; and, generally speaking, he begged to thank the Colonial Secretary for addressing himself to the question with so much ability and zeal, The Emperor Napoleon said, that our colonies were the wings that enabled this country to soar to greatness ; without our colonies we should dwindle into a secondrate power. Sir E. Buxton had listened with great satisfaction to the statement that the franchise was to be the same for the natives as for the people of this country. Pie rose for the purpose of asking whether the Colonial Secretary had any information as to how many or what proportion of the natives were likely to have votes, and whether he proposed to provide that not only the provincial chamber, but also the central Government, should have no power hereafter to enact a different franchise for natives from lh at for European colonists. He (Sir E. Buxton) trusted the colonists would not have such a power. He begged to thank the right hon. gentleman for what appealed to be a liberal and fair scheme of representation for New Zealand. Mr. Adderley would remark, with regard to what had been said by the honourable member for Montrose (Mr. Hume), that he must give the colonie-. their rights before he threw them upon their own resources. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Adderley) would express his gratitude, and he knew lie might add the gratitude of the colony, to the Colonial Secretary for addressing himself to the present question so speedily and so vigorously ; and, though he differed from the right honourable gentleman upon several essential points of detail, he was content to merge those differences and thank* fully accept the measure, rather than take the alterna tive of a further suspension of the constitution so many years after the necessity of granting one had been acknowledged on all sides. One or two points of detail, to which he grcatlv objected, he hoped the Colonial Secretary would consider. There was the question of the composition of the upper chamber of the Central Legislature ; Crown nominees would ever stink in the nostiiis of a colony. A nominee chamber was a caricature of the House of Lords, it was but the cieationof additional tools of the Crown, cairying out that system which ran through our colonial institutions — the Crown, and nothing but the I rown. Then, again, the very subordinate position in which the provincial Legislatures were placed was objectionable ; they would be so wholly under the Central Legislature that, in fact, that would be the only Legislature of the colony. Each of these Legislatures should be able, in a cheap practical mode, to deal with its own affairs It was proposed to lemove from the hands of the provincial Legislatures subjects which would be better placed in their hands ; and he would mention the land question as an instance under that head. What rear should there be of placing in the hands of the provincial Legislature the, managemeut of the laud fund ? The right honourable gentleman argued that the i'eatuiesof the country, the natuial barriers, nj<ule the different settlements seperate from one another ; but, surely, that was a reason for giving those settlements independent Legislatures, and as they spread and neared each other, then and not till then, it would be natural they should form one common government. Those most acquainted with the colony took that view. There was more communication between Canterbury »nd Sydney than between Cauterbmy and Wellington. Having mentioned the.se points, he should express his approtal on others ol a measure which in many respects was so consonant with the British con-titution. He complained of the delays which had taken place in carrying out propositions demanded by tlieiutereiits of the colonists. s ix years ago the then Secietary for the Colonus was asked to permit

the building- of a lighthouse, for which funds had been raised. It was only necessary to obtain an Act of PaiILuucut ; hut the lL'hthous" hacTnevcr been built, hecau c the Secietary for the Colonies said he must refer the matter to the governor of the colony. The Canterbury settlement, though it had made large payments for the public set v'icp, could not procuie r he sanction of the Government to an outlay foi moorings. In 1845, when the attention of the House was first called to the subject of a constitution lor New Zealand, it was acknowledged by all the eminent men who look part in the debate th.it self government ought to have been immediately given to the colony. lie had, on the part of the colonist', and not so vaguely on the part of those who where heie agents for the colonists, to thank the riant honourable baronet at the head of the Colonial Dep.utmont for having addressed hinis If so ably and , vigorously to the settlement of this important question. Lord J. Russrix expressed himself of opinion tbat, h.id Ministers thought pioper to bring in a suspending act for another year they might ii.vve done so ; but, on the other hand, having taken pains to investigate the subject and pi epare a measure, they were entitled to thanks foi introducing that measure. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the measure itself, he wished to as little as possible. He hoped to be able to support it in some of those points on which the honomable gentleman who had just spoken threatened opposition. There was, no doubt, a weakness which seemed at present to exist in regard to councils appointed by the Crown. At the same time the remark was justified, that such w.is the image of the British constitution generalh established in the co'onies. The chief thing was to establish a lepresentative constitution; and, when that was established, he avowed his conviction that, if there were parts of the constitution which woiked to the dissatisfaction of the colonists, there was no interest on the part of the Crown or the Mouse of ( ommons which would be opposed to the concction of defects- There wete other points which he thought were main obstacles to the working of the constitution of 1 846. The colony of New Zealand was not a colony where the community tonsistedof British subjects aerubtoroed to the machinery of a lepresentative constitution. In giving a lepresentative constitution to New Zealand they were giving a representative constitution to a country where there was a large number of nati-et.. The right honourable gentleman proposed, that where a native had the qualification, he should have the same righi of voting as others. There were settlements where natives would be found in considerable numbeis, but where it was obvious they would have no conception of the mode of carrying on elections. On the other band, they would feel it a great gi ievance if the assembly had absolute authority over them. That was the gieat difficulty felt by Sir G. Grey under the former constitution ; and that appeared to he tiic* main difticulty which attended the subject. He thought it de-irable that the limits should be defined over which the general assembly was to have jurisdiction. The noble lord (who spoke in so low a tone as to be impctfectly heatd throughout) concluded by expressing his anxiety to see how that dilh'culty, which was the difficulty experienced in putting the constitution oi 1846' in force, would be outcome, and by intimating: hi-, willingness to support the motion. (Hear, hear.) M-. Agltonby rose to thank the right honourable baronet at the head of the Colonial Depaitment for the care, attention, and zeal with which he bad considered the important subject to which the bill related. There T .vas only one point on which he (i\Jr. Aglionbyj wished to make an observation,— he meant the land question. He agreed generally in the remark of the honourable member for North Staffordshire, that the management should be placed in the hands of the colonists, but he agreed in the remaik, with a qualification. It ought to be recollected that the land fund had been given by the Impei ial Government as a security ; and the right hon. baionet at the head of the Colonial Department had intimated, that in placing the fund in the hands of the Central Legislatures it would he necessary to provide some security for those who had claims on that iund. A lien had been given to the New Zealand Company, which was to take effect in July, 1850, in the contingency of the company's not being- able to continue its colonizing operations ; so that the land fund was the only statutable secuiity which the New Zealand Company had for its debt. Having had an intei view on the subject, he acknowledged the right honourable baronet's attention and anxiety to leave no room for any charge of breaking faith. Lord Grey felt so strongly the difficulty of the Crown dealing with the land, that lie proposed a mode of relieving the land from the lien upon it; he wished to cut the Goidian knot. Till tincolonists got the land they never would be satisfied. The cheapest and best course was to let them have the land, and to create a stock. The moment the i'arii.imentry pledge was redeemed, Parliament would have the light to deal with the land as it pleaded, Mr. Gladstone said, the tight liotiourable baronet at the hc.ul of the Colonial Dopai tment had adverted to the plan ot a constitution for New Zealand which had been pioposec] by the l.tte Colonial Minister, and embodied in a public document. Theie wonld, peihaps, be no objection to laying that plan befoie the House ; it would be usetul when they came to discuss the bill in committee. Colonel Tjiompson could not resist the temptation of oflenng the light honouirtble gentleman warmer congratulations than any he had yet heard. Did the right honourable gentleman know that a principle had fallen Into his li.md. wtilt.fi "Ulan capable of carrying fonv.ird his countiy to as much of the umpiie Of tllC WOlld'aS an-iiuiic*l-»ii<tu cunld vnshi-The gienl bane Hid injmy of the colonial establishments had always been difference ot lace. Of that difference the right honourable baronet was likely to see the end. He gave evidence that the Bntish settlcis were to the nativ? inhabitants as the Roman-, weie to our rude ancestois. Whether oui ancestors ever ate anybody, he (Colonel Thompson) knew not; they might have roasted people; but information had been deiived tiom a variety if quartets to the effect that these native inhabitants weie lit to receive the benefits of the constitution. He had not hcaid what was to be the qualification of the elected; if it weie the same as. that of the electors he should be content. There was another point not altogether according to his views. There was something said of a sum of £7,000 to be expended for the benefit of the natives. If the natives were to be equal with peisoiis ot Euiopeanbiithor descent, why shonld they be treated as children? They would advance as quickly if they were lelt to th eir ov,\\ resources ; they wanted no such adventitious aid as that pioposed. He must conclude by again congratulating the light hon. baronet on being the agent, and, he hoped, the successful agent, in this cause. * He could have been quite content if it had fallen into previous hands— but expressed his satisfaction that the subject would be dealt with Sir J. Pakancion replied. He acknowledged the indulgence with which the House had received his proposal, and hoped, notwithstanding the pei iod of the session, that the bill he pr>. posed to introduce would soou become the law of the land. It had been said that the maintenance of the colony of New Zealand was a great expense to this countiy. He had a statement which showed that liom 1345 to 1351 the annual expendituie (not including the maintenance of the military foice) had declined fiom i' 50,000. (as we understood) to £36,000. In the present year the sum to be granted to New Zealand was reduced lo£ln,ooo, and, for the next year it was calculated that the sum which would be requited would only be £5,000., aftci which it was expected that the colony •of New Zealand would be self-suppoiting. Leave wai then given to biingin the bill.