THE AUCKLAND OPERATIVES AND THE MUNICIPAL CHARTER.

New Zealander, Volume 7, Issue 569, 27 September 1851, Page 3

THE AUCKLAND OPERATIVES AND THE MUNICIPAL CHARTER.

[We have pleasure in giving a wider circulation to the following article from the last number of the Auckland Independent, and Operatives' Journal, as, although we may not agree in every particular with the -writer's views, we consider it on the whole a just and manly expression of the opinions which, we have reason to helieve, the operatives generally entertain with respect to the Charter. With them, fiom their numerical preponderance, the decision of the elections in the Town Wards must mainly rest ; and upon the judgment and impartiality with which they exercise the power now placed in their hands will depend, to no small extent, not merely the interests involved in the approaching elections hut the conclusions which will be tormed at home as to the fitness of this Colony for the complete establishment of Free Institutions We anticipate that they will not be wanting in the trial.]

Auckland Municipal Corporation Charitr. With all its imperfections, we hail this mensuie as a step in the right direction ; and as one — if rightly used by the burgesses of the town and district of Auckland — calculated to confer great benefit. Not so much in regard to what it is, but from what, by proper management, it might be made. We are no apologists for the acts and conduct of a Council composed of Nominees, such as lawyers, doctors, merchants, Governois, and Government officers. We were not prepared, nor did we expect, to have seen a perfect plan of Government dealing out justice to all, emanate from such a body. It is recorded, on the highest authority, " that the treo is knonn by Us fruit, and a corrupt tree cannot bring forth good fruit." A few weeks ago we even told our readers that they were certain to have Municipal Institutions before no very distant period, and that there would be a tiibunal of power established by themselves, befoie whom they would be enabled to lay their gnevanceq , with a view- to their redress— such tribunal to consist of men of their own choice, and whom they could cashier if they misconducted themselves. The present Charter confers such power, and if the people do not make a proper use of it, they will, for the future, only have themselves to blame. During the last seven years, we have been pointing out what might be done to forward the general inteiests of the Colony ; and each in his individual capacity has expressed his own views xespectmg the best plans to be adopted for the furtherance of so desirable an object. And after each man has had his say in the business, the discussion has been wound up or brought to a termination with expiessions like the following :—": — " Well, wait until wo have Representative Institutions, as the first grand and most important point to be achieved — and then we will be able to set not only the one question in dispute right, but others of equal magnitude." We have been told, year after year, month after month, and week after week, — aye, and frequently twice a week, — that we have been rough-ridden over, not only by the Britibh Colonial Minister, but by the arrogant, overbearing, and irresponsible protegees, parasites, and deputies of such ministers, and goaded by innumerable acts of contumely and oppression. Whether we have or not is not now' the question under consideration. But, at any rate, allowing sucli to have been the case, would it not be wise on our part to lay hold of every instrument, and snatcb at every opportunity, and hail the same as a happy privilege, which would assibt us to throw off our yoke of bondage — which would relieve and free us from such slavery, and weaken the power of Bucha collection of despots, and also use it as a lever in the progressive march of liberty. What becomes of all the bitter and loud complaints ? — of all the incessant ravings and appeals which have chaiacterised some of our speakers and waters? — of all the tbundprmg, blackened, and waspish invectives which we have heard and read during the last seven years about injustice, in a variety of forms, of tyranny, and despotism ? — of all the goadings, misrepresentations, oppression, &c. ? — if, when a chance offers itself, which in some measure will prove our deliveiy from such vexatious evils, wp do not embrace it. Really, '\ c live in very stiange times; so much so, as to puzzle the most watchful and profound thinking. So very tyrannical have our rulers been — so much have they ridden roughshod over us — that it is, after all, now when it comes to the push, a question with a number of the inhabitants, whether it would not have been better to have remained as we were, than to exert ouisulves for a better system of Government. We may not be so clear-sighted as some people, but suiely we have a right, and theiefore ought not to be blamed for giving our unbiassed opinion. So far as we are capable of reviewing the aigtiments made use of by some of our townsmen, that is, the very identical parties who have been foiemostnnd loudest in thoir denunciations of the precent Nominee system and absolutism are strongly recommending its continuation, ivi h all its accumulated evils — and endeavouring to prove that, notwithstanding tho catalogue of us uniiitctrupted woes and oppressions under vrbjch we have laboured, that a change to Representative Institutions would make us still wor^ej and that,

1 tberefbie, absolute Government is, after all, preferable. We advise the people geneinlly, and especially (lie working ch-,M"«, to take advantage of the power placed in cheu biiuls I,v this Chnrter, and use the samp for then own hem fit, hy lesortiiig to every propel and legitimate means lo return men to lepresout them in the Council such as have their inteie&t at heart — men who are likely to have a fellow-fi ehngwith themselves, such as will, without fear 01 flatti-iy, act independently — men who an> not under subseiviency either to tin's or that patty, and who are from under the immediate influence of the Government hy place or pension — men who, in ront-equeoce, would be the more likely to deal out even-handed justice to all. It is certain to bo carried into opei.ition whether the buigesses do or do not take an interest in it, fot their own welfare; and if, by their own carelessness and inactivity, they allow men who are not identified with themselves to be elected, such councillor will have the power of making this mpasure of gi eat annoyance to them instead of a benefit ; and, therefore, as a preventative, they ought toendpavour to send to the Council men whose interest it will be to enforce economy, and thus keep down, as far as possible, any extiavagant application of money, and the raising of latea and taxes to carry out useless and ridiculous schemes of public expenditure. This they can do if they wish — labour has deciledly an overwhelming majoiity of votes ; and >f they, the labourers, do not make good use of them, let them not complain when it is too late. Tf we can shew an instance in illustration, and in favour of our recommendations, surely our argument and advice are deserving of attention. We beg our readers to study woll the annexed extract, and then ask themselves whether we have not a precedent for the course we recommend :—: — " From the period of its foundation to the year 1843 the colonists of New South Wales had no voice in the coutiol of thoir own afEiirs, the members of the two Councils being appointed by the Crown ; but in that year a Constitution was conferred upon the colony, granting a partly Representative Assembly, to be composed of thirty-six members, twelve of whom are appointed by the Ciown, and twenty-four by the people. 'I he franchise is twofold, freehold and occupancy ; two persons can qualify out of the same place, landloul and tenant ; the latter upon a yearly value of £1Q per annum, the former upon a gross value of £200. In the Constitution conferred there was a reservation made of £80,000 per annum, over which the Council have no control, viz., £30,000 for the purposes of religion nud education, and £50,000 for tho payment |ot the salaries of the Governor, judges, and the chief executive officers. Notwithstanding the reservation, the Representative Council Lave effected a vast reduction in the expenditure, and seriously cui tailed the salaries of numerous officials. The Council make laws for the internal government of the colony, subject in the first instance to the approbation of the Governor, and ultimately of the Queen. The Council is presided over by a Speaker, who is elected by a majonty of its votes; the Governor possesses no heat in it, but opens and closes it after the manner pursued with the British Parliament. All money-bills must emanate with the executive. Since i:s opening, the populai party have possessed a majority in it, and the result lias been highly favourable for the colonists. At piesent the Council have no power of interference with the Crown lands, which are solely administered under orders from Lome, and various Acts of Parliament." — Byrne's Guide to Australia, It will be seen that the first measure for New South Wales, having the semblance of self-government, was considered only a partial representation. Yet they accepted it, and tuined the same to good account. The laws for the government of Land Associations, for Building and Benefit Societies, are never perfect at first, nor even after they have been corrected probably fifty times. Still experience and circumstances Bnggest and bring about such alterations and additions on some points, and curtailments and exemptions in others, until they are brought to meet the various cases of complaint, t and thereby give more geneial satisfaction to all concerned. Members of Parliament have brought forward i bills which have been so altered in passing thsough first and second reading, and from their mutilations in com- ! mittees, that the parent at last would scaicely know his own bantling. If the present Charter is judiciously handled, it will be the stepping-stone to something better and mord perfect in proportion as the Council receives the support of those whom they have been chosen to represent. If, for instance, the Legislative Council ever attempt to bring into force any measure obnoxious to the inhabitants of Auckland and district, a remonstrance emanating from such an assembly would cat ry more weight with it tliim the letter or petition of a solitary individual, or the resolutions from a public meeting, however numeiously attended. The most redeeming features of this patchwork legislation — this new Charter — arc to be found in two of its clauses. The first, in reference to the extent of the franchise ; and the second in not demanding u property qualification for tlio3e who may be brought forward as candidates. We have a sketch of the Charters for Sydney and Adelaide beforp us ; but truth compels us to state that the franchiso for Auckland is more liberal and extensive than it is for either of those colonies. And as compared with England, we have read many Charters for Municipal Corporations, but we never met with one yet which did not contain a property qualification for members of the Common Council. Those two clauses go far to bieak down that barrier to the 1 people's rights, — of which we have heard so much complaint, — class legislation. Could it be possible that the defeat and the very humiliating position of the llussell ministry, when in a mmoiity of 54 to 100 votes on Locke King's motion for an extension of the franchise, operated so powerfully on our colonial legislature at Wellington as to cau^e them to take a step in advance. The extension of the franchise has always been the greatest bugbear to all who wish to foster and uphold class legislation. If such is not the case, why was not the advice given, as is usual at such a crisis, to Her Majesty to dissolve the House and send the members again before their constituents 1 Simply because it would not meet the approbation of either the Whig or Conservative party — knowing full well that Locke King would become very popular, and that a greater number of members would come back again pledged to a still further extension than what his motion contained, which was the chief dread of those likely to form either Whig, Conservative, or Coalition Ministry. Let it be remembered that in the Council there is not likely to be a clash of interests — there is not much to fear on that score. If, for instance, the country members evince a disposition to protect and forward the mteiests of the agriculturists, would it not be wine foi the representatives of the town to do the same, i\s flora this source must proceed our future existence and prosperity 1 Let those who object to it on the ground of us giving power to the members to impose taxes, remember that we have hitheito been living on the taxes of oui fellow-countrymen, in the shape of remittances and Commissariat expenditure, and that we cannot expect improvements without paj r mg our share towards them. It will depend on tho choice of men as representatives whether we make tho Charter a benefit or otherwise 1 to the colony. It enables the poor man to voto foi another pooi man without regard to rank or riches. In fact it is, in some lespects, too liberal for many — and others will despise it on account of tho party whence it emanated. But, under all circumstances, it will be wise on our part to use every exertion at our command to make the best of it.