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GENERAL LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. [From the " Wellington Spectator."] Provincial Councils Bill. — Second Reading. Welling ton, Wednesday, June 18.

The At-tohney-General of Nuv Zealand, in moving the second reading of the Provincial Councils Bill, said, Sir, pursuant to notice, I have now the honour to move the second reading of the bill to piovide for the establishment of Provincial Legislative Councils, and ior the election of members 1o serve therein : and I think it would be almost sufficient, to uibure for this measure the favourable consideration of the Council, if I were merely to state that it has for its object the introduction of the representative principle into the Councils of the colony. Before proceeding' to offer any oh 3ei rations on the measure Uselt, I think that it may

be desiiable tliat I should briefly advert to the circumstances under winch this Council became possessed of the power to provide for the establishment of Provinoial Legislative Councils, as also to the circumatftnces necessary to be kept in view by this Council in the eseicise of the authority so conferred upon them. It will be within the knowledge of the members, that during the first seven yeais of the existence of the colony, that New Zealand was one undivided colony, having a single Legislatuie, consisting of the Governor, the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney-General, the Colonial Treasuier, and the three senior Justices of the Peace of New Zealand ; and that to such Council full and exclusive power of legislation, for the peace, order, and good government of the colony, was conferred by her "Majesty under the authority of an Act of the British Parliament. But, in the year 1846, New Zealand was divided into Provinces, and measures were taken, not only lor giving to each of them a local legislature, but for confining, within very narrow limits, the jurisdiction of the General Assembly of the colony. It was immediately represented, however, by those in authority in this country, that the proposed Constitution was unsuited to the then condition and circumstances of the colony j and the noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Department promptly took measures j for suspending its operation ; and it ia but an act of ! justice to Lord Grey to declare that, while moat men at so great a distance would have failod in framing a Constitution suited to the very peculiar condition and circumstances of New Zealand ; few men would have had the good sense, the moral courage, and the right feeling, so readily to abandon a favouiito measure in deference to the opinions of tho local authorities. During the suspension of the Constitution of 1846 the original Legislative Council wa9 again called into existence, with such additions to its members as might bejmade by the Governor-iu-Chief, and to this Council, so constituted, the power was given of framing such Legislative Councils for the Provinces as to those having personal knowledge of the colony might appear to be suited to the condition and circumstances of tha country. Almost immediately alter this power had been conferred on tha colonial legislature, a sudden and alarming calamity befel the Province of Now Munster, and it appeared to ba desirable that a power of local legislation should, at once, be established in the Province, in order to meet any emergency which might arise. Circumstances did not, at the moment, admit of the delay consequent upon the preparation of any measure of a permanent character; and the prompt establishment of some local legislative authority, appeared to be more important than the particular form or Constitution which euoh temporary authority should assume. An Ordinance was accordingly passed, with the least possible delay, simply giving to the Provinces a Legislature Council, analogous to tbe General Council, but with this mateiial difference, that the unofficial members were always to exceed, in numbers, the official members. But the time has now arrived, sir, when it is proposed to repeal that Ordinance, and to mature a measure of a more permanent character, and the bill which I have now the honour to move has been prepared, on behalf of the Government, with a view to the introduction of the representative principle into the Provincial CounoiU of the colony. Now, sir, in order that a fair estimate may be made of the measure thus submitted for their consideration, it is necessary that the Council Bhould keep clearly in view, not only the limit of their powers, but also the particular circumstances under which those powers must necessarily be exercised. In the first place, then, it is to be remembered, that the power of this Council, great as it undoubtedly is, does not authorise them to provide for the establishment of the entire legislative system of the colony, but only for that of its provincial legislatures. In the second place, that it is not a question for this Council whether New Zealand ought to be divided into Provinces — or whether the Piovinces ought to have local legislatures— but, the colony having been divided into Provinces with distinct Provincial Councils, what shall be tbe form, constitution, and jurisdiction of those Councils. Thirdly, that tbe present General Council, which will hare a con- j troling power over the Provincial Councils, however they may be constituted, contnms none of the element of the representative principle. And lastly, that a change in the constitution of the General Legislature of the colony may shortly be expected to he made by the British Parliament, but what will be the nature of that legislature this council are entirely in tbe dark. Under such circumstance?, sir, the bill now before the Council mu&t be viewed, not by any means as complete, final, or pei feet ; but, looking to existing circumstances, and to the limitation of our powers, on the one band, and to the liberal nature of the elective franchise proposed by the bill— to the absence of a property qualification for members — and to the frequency of their election, as being a measure as comprehensive and liberal in its character as may, at present, be prudently enacted by those to whom the power of legislating on this Bubject has been so unreservedly confided. Reserving, sir, the details of the bill for consideration in committee, I will now proceed to offer some observations on its principal provisions. Taking them in the order in which they stand, the first to which I would direct tjie attention of the Council is that which prorides that the Provincial Legislative Councils shall consist of a single chamber. Believing that the opinions which may be expressed by the members of this Council on that subject will uot be without influence in determining- the nature of the con- , stitution of the Supreme Legislature, I would desire not to be misunderstood in giving my assent to a measure for constituting a council with a single chamber. On principle, then, and with reference to the constitution of the general legislature of the colony, I hare no hesitation in expressing a decided opinion in favour of * double chamber. But with reference to the particular question before us — the constitution of the Provincial Legislature — seeing that it has a limited jurisdiction, that it is of a subordinate character, subject to the authority of the General Legislature ; and believing that, at present at least, there would be a difficulty in filling a double chamber in so many provinces, I think it desirable that the Provincial Legislative Councils should consist of a single chamber. I now come to the consideration of that part of the bill which enacts that onethird of the members of the council shall b§- appointed by the Crown. Yielding to no man, sir, in a desire to see the principle of representative self-government brought into practical operation within this colony, I cannot but think that some of tbe supporters of that principle have attempted to cawy it beyond its legitimate limits. To claim for the scanty population of a newly spttled dependency, founded at tbe cost of tbe parent State, the absolute power of disposing of its un« occupied territoiies, and the exclusive and uncontrolled power of legislation throughout its limits, appears to me to be claiming that which on whatever other grounds such claim may have to rest, cannot fairly be claimed as being a practical application of the principle of selfgovernment. I believe, sir, that a densely peopled country like Great Britain, needing extensive fields of emigration for its overflowing population, has no little interest in providing that the unoccupied territories of its dependencies should be disposed of to the greatest advantage, not only for the thousands whej may first have landed on its shores, but for the millions who may be expected to succeed them ; and also in providing that the laws to be enacted in such dependencies shall not be of such a character as to repel from its shores the overflowing" population of the parent State. For this reason it has always appeared to me to be, not only the right, but the duty of an imperial government to retain to itself a certain amount of influence in the councils of its dependencies, so long at least as those dependencies continue to poisess unoccupied territories available for emigiation. On this ground alone, and for the sake of impeiial interests, I am myself prepared to support the principle that the Crown should retain to itself the power of at least being heard in the provincial councils of New Zealand. Nor is that the only ground on which that principle should be supported. I believe, sir, that wherever there is responsibility, that power should accompany it. Now whatever may be the constitution of the colony, the Government will always, and very naturally, be looked to, and to a certain extpnt held responsible for its peace, order, and good government ; and I would maintain that such responsibility cannot fairly be imposed upon any government, unless the Executive possess some power in the framing of its laws ; and, therefore, on that ground also, the Executive Government of New Zealand ought to be represented in the councils of the colony. But there remains to be considered yet another reason why in Now Zealand, in particular, Great Britain should letain to herself some share in the exeicise of legislative authority in this country. I allude, sir, to the existence of a numerous, powerful, and intelligent native race ; the owneis of by fir tho greater part of the soil of the country — fellow-faubjects with pmaelves — and, as such, entitled to all the rights, powers, and privileges of British subjects. Now, to give the European colonists the exclusive and uncontrolled power of legislating for the colony, would not be to confer upon the people of New Zealand the power of self-government, but would, in effect, be to give to the European minority the power, not only of "overniu* themselves, but the whole of her Majesty's subjects m the country. The existence, then, of the native rnce piesents a consideration winch can never be overlooked in determining the nature of the Constitution to be established in New Zealand.

Under the peculiar circumstances with which we have to deal, I think there are but three courses open for our adoption :— either to extend to the whole of her fllajecty's subjects in this country, without distinction of race, equal political privileges ; or to except the native race from the legislative jurisdiction which may be granted to the European colonists ; or to adopt the course proposed to be taken by the Bill now under tha consideration of the Council. With a sincere desire to see them fairly treated, I have never been one of those, sir, who have either entertained or expressed any maudling sentimentality in favour of the natives of New Zealand ; but I think we should but ill discharge our obligation towards them were we to confer upon them political powers, which they not only do not desire to possess, but which, for want of preparatory training, they are, for the most part, at present unprepared to exercise, and thus attempt to rid ourselves of our responsibility for their substantial good government, by conferring upon them the theoretical, but I believe in. such case, the illusory power of governing themselves. Neither would I desire to see so broad a line of demarcation drawn between the two races as would in effect be done if the jurisdiction of the local legislative authority were confined to the European colonists alone. Seeing, then, that the natives of this country are, as a body, at present unfit to exercise tha elective franchise with advantage either to themselves or the country at large—believing they would be impatient of the uncontrolled dominion of their European fellowsubjects, but believing that, having ceded their independence to Great Britain, they are content to be gorerned by the justice and wisdom of the Crown, I think that Great Britain would best discharge the responsibility she has undertaken iv favour of a people who have freely confided themselves to her justice and good faith, by carefully and gradually admitting them to a participation in the exercise of political power— retaining to herself, in the mean time, such a degree of influence in the colonial legislature as will enable her to initiate anil advocate such measures as may, from time to time, be required for promoting their advancement in the social scale. For this reason it is that the measure now proposed for the consideration of tho Council makes no distinction between the two races, while, at the same time, it ia so framed as very gradually to admit the native race to a share in the exercise of political power ; and, by providing that a portion of the legislature shall be appointed by the Crown, thus secures to the Crown that influence in its councils which is necessary to enenable it to fulfil the responsibility which it has voluntarily undertaken, and morally incurred. For any one of these reasons, sir, I think that the Imperial Govern* ment ought to secure to itself the power of being heard in the councils of its dependencies — and the whole of these reasons, taken collectively, present to my own mind an irresistible and unanswerable reason why Great Britain should retain to herself some influence in tho Provincial Councils of New Zealand. I would now direct the attention of the Council to that provision of the Bill which enacts that the mode of election shall be by open roting. With my present knowledge and experience of the people of this country—- neither hastily acquired nor limited in range, I feel that I should be offering them a studied insult if I were to propose to protect them, in the exercise of any political privilege, by the secrecy alleged to be secured by the ballot. But it is Dot merely from taste or feeling that 1 should be opposed to secrecy in the exercise of political power, for I believe it to be at direct varianoe with one of tha first principles of political science. When political power is not distributed on the principle of universal suffrage — when a portion of the community are content to forego the exercise of political power, and to see it j rested, it may be, in a minority — that portion of the community, so excluded from power, bare still, I would contend, an undoubted right to know how that power ia exercistd by those on whom it has been conferred. i To vest political power, then, in a portion of the community, and to enable them to exercise that power in secret, is not only to confer upon the electors, but to subjeot th* whole community to the dominion of irresponsible power. But there is ;another reason, partly t of a local and partly of a general nature, why secrecy ia uncalled for and impolitic. I believe, sir, that at pre- ; cent the people of New Zealand are in prosperous cirj cumstanoes, and of an independent spirit, by no [means | likely to be influenced in the exercise of any political I privilege which may be conferred upon them, by either bribery or intimidation. And should the time, sir, ever ! arrive, when any considerable portion of this community shall become so dependent in circumstances, and so> mean in spirit, as to be open to venal influences in theexercise of a public trust, it will then be time to consider, not whether they shall be screened and encouraged in the betrayal of that trust, by the secrecy of tho ballot, but whether, consistently with the welfare of society — and consistently with any sound priuoiple of government—such persons are fit to be trusted with any share whatever in the government of their fellow men. Entertaining these views on the subject, I rejoice in having the opportunity of thus publicly expressing my cordial approval of that enactment in this bill which emphatically declares that the mode of election for tho Provincial Councils of New Zealand shall be by open roting. I come 'now to that part of the bill which dispenses with any property qualification for the members of oouncil, except such as is required for the general body of electors. While it must be admitted that this is a somewhat novel enactment, I think that both on principle as well as with regard to the circumstances of the country, and to the proposed constitution of the council, that it is an enactment deserving the favourable consideration of the Council. I care not, sir, howcareful this Council may be in conferring the elective franchise on those who may possess the well-grounded claim of fitness for its exercise. But having ascertained, and determined who may safely be trusted with thepower of electing their own representatives, it appears to me to be a direct infringement of the very principle of representative government to limit the range of their choice by an arbitrary rule, founded on the possession, of a property qualification. For it is to be remembered that the mere possession of property is not the only qualification required, but it is looked upon as a test of the possession, on the part of the owner, of the other necessary qualities. In an old settled country, I admit that such a test is as trustworthy as any other which could easily be devised. But in a new and prosperous colony, where it is the rule, and not the exception, for the industrious class rapidly, and in a few shot t years, to become independent, and not unfrequently to change places with the rich — the mere possession of property is no longer a reliable test that its owner possesses the education, integiity, intelligence, and ability necessary in those who may be trusted with the power of making laws for the government of their fellow men. Far be it from me, sir, to underrate the possession of property, but, with Englishmen, and without any enactment ou the subject, I believe that property always has had, and I believe always will have, a due share of influence in the exercise of political power. In a small community, then, where the range of choice must, under any circumstances be small, to limit that range still further by an arbitrary and delusive test, is not only nn infringement of the representative principle, but would have the effect of depriving the community of the services of many of those best fitted by their talents and character for exercising a powerful and beneficial influence in the councils of the country. On the subject of the elective franchise I will trespass on the time of the Council with very few remarks. Although not founded on the principle of universal suffrage, the franchise adopted by this bill will be found, practically, to fall but little short of it, so far at least as regards the European colonists — but with this great advantage: if the principle of universal suffrage were adopted by the council, and fairly carried into operation, we should not only be conferring upon the majority of the people of this country political powers which they are at present unprepared to exercise, but we should be committing 1 the curious anomaly (the natives being the more nu-i merous of the two races) of subjecting the civilized to the dominion of the uncivilized race. But under tha provisions of the bill the natives will, by degrees, be admitted to a share in political power, at the same time that every sober and industrious immigrant, when he shall have been long enough in the colony to become acquainted with its wants, will be able, by the savings of his industry, to purchase the qualification, and so become entitled to the franchise prescribed by the bill. Having considered the constitution and composition of the council — the mode of election of its members — their qualification — and the qualification of the electors, I will now proceed to offer a few remarks on the limitation pioposed to be placed on the jurisdiction of tho council. It may be within the knowledge of honourable members that by the Constitution of 1846 it was provided that the provincial legislatures should possess a general power of legislation, subject only on eight or nine enumerated subjects to the controlling power of the General Assembly ; while the jurisdiction of the Genoral Assembly, instead of being general, was confined to such eight or nine enumerated subjects. It was immediately seen that, under the operation of such a legislative system, that there might be as many different laws on the same subject, in one and the same colony, as provinces into which the colony might be divided. This objection was stated and generally concuned in, when the " Provincial Councils Ordinance/ 1

now in force, was under consideiation by tho Legislative Council in 18-18 ; and I have reason to believe that the arguments then made use of have not been without influence with the Home Authorities ; for not only huvc therestiictions imposed by that Ordinance on the jurisdiction oi the provincial councils been confirmed by the Crown : but hrr Majesty's Secretary of State— the author of the Constitution of 184-6— has himself coucuircd in the objection; and has himself suggestcdth.vt an addition should be made to the number of sul jects to be withdrawn from tho jurisdiction of the provincial legislatures, wilh a view to avoid, as far as may be, the j evils rei'erred to. I think, therefore, that the Council ■will see the expediency of excluding from the jurisdiction of the provincial councils, the several subjecti enumerated in the 29th section of the bill. Whilst on the subject of the limitations to be imposed on the jurisdiction of these councils, although it may be travelling somewhat out of the order I had prescribed to myself, I may perhaps be permitted to call the attention of the Council to the 24th section of the bill, which provides that the laws to be enacted by the provincial councils shall not be " repugnant to the laws of England." I believe, sir, it has been objected that such a resti iction is an uncalled for and vexatious limitation on colonial legislation: for myself, however, I have never been able to concur in that objection. It has never appeared to me to be an unreasonable thing for an Imperial Government to retain to itself the power of legislating for the empire, or of providing that the laws of its dependencies shall not be repugnant to the general spirit of the laws of the parent State. But apart from this general view of the bubject, and to come to a mote practical consideration of the case, when I remind this Council that it is itself prohibited from making laws which may be repuguant to the law of England, I shall have said enough to prove that it would be a legislative anomjly first to establish a tribunal ol subordinate and inferior jurisdiction, and then to exonerate it from a leatriction to which the supeiior tribunal is itself tubjectcd. And when I lutther lelnind the Council that by the Constitution of 1846 it ia enacted that the laws to be made by the provincial legislatures shall not be repugnant to the law oi England, I believe that the Council will agree with mo in thinking that it would be unwise to remove this provision fiotn the bill. I have now, sir, fully, fieely, but 1 hope temperately, staled the grounds on which I think that the leading provisions of this bill are entitled to the favourable consideration of the Council; and it now only remnins for me to apologize to them for the length at which I have trespassed on their time, and to thank them, which I do very sincerely, for the patience with which they have liatened to my statements. lam quite aware that the opinions 1 have expressed may be deemed of little worth or entitled to little weight, and that many of them may be at variance with the opinions of other members of this Council, but 1 have not on that account shrank from giving them expression, feeling the utmost confidence that these opinions will receive from this Council the same fair, tolerant, and candid consideration which each member would desire .for his own. But unimportant as these opinions may 'be, the Council may be assured that they are not the hasty, ill considered opinions of one careless of the welfare of New Zealand, but that they arc at least the sincere convictions of one who always has, who Btill does, and who I believe always will, take a lively interest in watching the progress, and in endeavouring to promote the prosperity of the country. (Cheers.) Lieutenant- Governor Eyre seconded the motion in a speech which appeared in full in the Neiv Zealander of the sth ultimo. The Hon. Mr. Dillon and Mr. Cautley made a few remarks, the substance of which was given in our paper of the 12th ultimo. Mr. Hull thought it a matter of duty not to givo a eilout vote on a question of so much importance to the interests and welfare of these settlements, and us it undoubtedly was a grave responsibility for a Council, constituted as that Council wus, to introduce such a change in the constitution of the colony, it was incumbeut, be thought, upon them not to allow tho measure now be* fore them to be advanced to its second stage without ample discussion of its principles. His lion, and learned fuend, the Attorney General of New Zealand, had indeed fully explained, in his able speech, the object «nd scope of the measure, and by the clear and concise order into wliich bis statements had been divided, ho had much facilitated the discussion. Before proceeding further however, he wished to state that ho should have strongly objected to tho introduction of the present Bill, nnd should not have given his assent to the second reading, if he could have hoped that the measure, which it was not improbable was under the consideration of Parliament, for conferring representative institutions on New Zealand, would contain more, or even as liberal, provisions as that now before them ; but be thought thero were good reasons for fearing the contrary. It would be in the recollection of the Council that tho Act suspending Lord Grey's Constitution was on tho point of expiring, and that Her Majesty's Government would have to get another constitution enacted, bo as not to allow Lord Grey's to revive. Now, ir could haidly be expected that any form of constitution passed by Parliament for New Zealand would bo more liberal than that which last year had been conferred upon the oilier Australian Colonies. On the contiary, the latter having been more fully discussed in both Houses than any previous colonial measure, it was next to certain that it would be taken as a model for the New Zealand Act, if indeed a still less liberal one were not adopted. For among the members of Parliament who had actively engaged in colonial affairs, and in particular among those who had devoted their attention to this colony, there were many, and those the most able and influential, who had long ago proposed measures oven far less liberal than the Australian Constitutions Act of la?t session. It would not be forgotten, for instance, that Sir William Molesworth, in his celebrated proposal for the government of New South Wales, hiul supported a very high qualification for members of the colonial assemblies, namely, £2,000 in land for the lower Louse, and i^.,000 in land for the upper. Such a qualification, or unything approaching it, was manifestly impracticable for this country ; and it was not unronBonable to expect that the bamc persona who would press for such a qualification would equally attempt a high electoral franchise, which would also be utterly unsuitcd to New Zealand. While he hoped therefore to see the Bill now before the Council rendered yet more more liberal than it was, still, as it stood, it was better than the Australian Act, and much more liberal than the proposals of tho colonial pai ty at home : and on that ground he was prepared to vote ior its second reading. J3ut in giving that vote, lie was desirous not to be misunderstood as expressing any concurrence m the system of Provincial Governments : on the contrary, lie thought that in lslnndn like these, in which the settlements would necessauly be scattered along an immense line of coast, wilh very infrequent communication between there, the scheme of Provincial Governments was too cumbrous and expensive to be of any benefit : and, in the long mn, he did not doubt that every one would agree that, without resorting to the bureaucratic f-ystem of centralization existing in France nnd other European states, the beat form of constitution here would be that which gave to one general government the direction and control of general questions, and lelt all local matterg to the management of municipalities in each settlement. Still, that Council was not sitting there to deciclo whether there should now be piovincial government*! or not : the supreme authority of Parliament had long ago divided the colony into provinces, and the practical question therefore was, how best to legislate far the Provinces actually in existence. The provision of, perhaps, the greatest importance in this Bill was that which authorized the Crown to noinmute a portioi of the members of the Provincial Councils. Now, while he entirely agreed with tho learned Attor-ney-General, that tho Crown, which had lo protect the interests of our uniepresented Native race should have a voice in tbe making of laws here, he entirely differed with him in the opinion that it should have the power of nominating any members not ofliciallv responsible for their sh lire in tbe pioceedings of the Council. He thought it a legitimate argument to use, that the whole power of legislation should not be vested in tbe hands ol aniinoiity of the Queen's subjects ; but an illegitimate extension oi that argument to insist upon power being conferred, in a half-Repiesent.Uive Council, on persons not icsponsiblo for its exeicise. The hon. and learned mover had tlwe.lt at length on the sufegunrd whicn a number of Nominees would affoul for the interests of tho Natives being cared for in tbo legislation of tho Provincial Councils; but this Council would iernernber that tho Uill itself expiessly prohibited any legislation inflicting disabilities* on the Native i ace, or nllcctmg them separately from the Kuiopi'nns. And oven if that lestrictton had not been sufficient, the Go-vernor-in Chief hud ample power, by tho exorcise of the Crown's veto, to prevent any injustice to the Natives, lie bbouhl oppose, therefoie, the introducfion of nominccisin into the proposed Councils, but would not refuse (us assent to a poition of the mom burs sitting m them in ,m oilici.il character. With respect to the absence of a property qualification for members he entirely concyned, 13 ut while* lm would tuve that provision JiW

cordial suppoit, lio could not equally approve of the proposed fianchise, which t\as not sufficiently extended. JIo feared ho would stand very much alone in ihe Council in any attempt to introduce universal suffrage ; but he would nevertheless ex pi ess his deliberate opinion in its favour, and his objection to tho franchise) being conferred upon one and withhold from another. ]$ut while bo did not bopo that the principle of univers.il suffrage should be adopted by that Council, he did trust they would so extend the frauclnse, as to give it to every real colonist of good character in the country. If the''household" suffrage proposed were to bo altered co as to giTO tho franchise to every ono m the occupation of a piece of land also, it would enable many colonists to vote who were industrious and frugal, and who had prefeirod to mrest their savings in agncultuiej and in the pur* chasu of stock, rather than build Cue houses for themselves. Numbers of these, who were perhaps tho beht sottlers in the country, would bo oxcluded by jtlio present bill ; and as ho behoved, fioni what had passed at an interview between his Excellency and a deputation of settlers at Nelson, that tho Governor's real intentions hud been to givo a larger franchise than tho bill gave ; ho hoped the Council would give tiuo effect to those intentions. Reserving to himself the right of introducing in committee such amendments as would meet the views he had expressed, ho would conclude by giving his assent to tho motion for the second readiug. Sir Gi'oiioe Giiev said he had not intended to trouble the Council with any remarks on the measuio before them, as he had so repeatedly explained his views with regard to this mousure in his despatches to the Homo Government us to lender such a course unnecesbaiy, but he was desirous on one or two points to set himself light with the public. Tha Lieutenant-Governor had passod some severe censures, not. only on the measuio hufoio them, but also on himself. In answer to those censures, he would state ho had novoi solicited tho support of any member of the Council to any measuio ol the Government, or sought directly or indirectly to influence hia opinions ; it was not necessary, therefore, for the Lieutenant-Governor to state tli.it he supported the measure from a sense of duty. During the peuod he hud the honour to administer the Government of thia colony it had been bis good fortune geneially to bo on good terms with the members of his Government, and even on terms of personal friendship with them, ilu had gone to thorn foi advice, ho bad careiully weighed their suggestions, and could confidently appeal to thorn whether any, even the slightest, change of temper had ever been manifested by him on thoir differing horn, him in opinion. He therefore thought it ought to be understood he did not consider there was any neeessaiy duty on their part to support his measures. With reference to the censures which had been passed on him by tho Lieutonant-Governor for not introducing this measure in 184i\, ho would not enter agam mto the discussion of this subject, but would slate that he considered it an important part of his duty to provide thai this country tooic no harm. Hon. members must kuow the European convulsions that had taken place, the imminent danger that had existed of tho lntenuption of peace, when he had lived from month to mouth in expectation that the troops would he removed from the country; they must remember tho financial difficulties which existed on his assuming the government of the colony. Under such circumstances, he believed it to be his duty, as a yreat officer of a gic.U empite, to provont harm, and he would appeal to lion, members whether that trust had not been fulfilled. What harm has happened to any European? Are the settlors impoveiished ? What evil has overtaken tho Native population 'I Are they discontented 1 He behoved ho hud done his duty in not hurrying on changes, and he had the satisfaction of appealing to tho past, to the prosperous -nute of the European settlers, to thu order and general uanqmhty of the Native population, in pioofof the conoctuess of hia views. He did not wish to claim the merit of this How nobly he had been seconded by those who had had acted with him could only be known to hnnsulf, and to those persons whose support and a&sistanco ho had received ; but he claimed this merit to himself, that he left them free scope for their exertions. As soon as he saw the country was in a fit stale he had not be.siuU'd 10 propose this measure. But ho was now told he ought not to have proposed it at this time, when Paihameut was about to legislate upon the faubject of representative institutions for New Zealand : the answor was, that tho condition of these colonies appeared to bo gieatly misunderstood both by Pailiament and tho Government at home. He thought he was right in coming to IJII3 conclusion from what bad taken pl.ice 111 Parliament, iiiul from the Australian JJill, which Lad been passed during the last session. Knowing that it was intended dm ing the present session of Pailnment to pab3 an act for icgulaihifr the government of this country, it" ho (Sir George) had consulted his own selfish ease, if ho had regarded his own private interest, he need not have stirred in this matter, but have aufl'oiod things to take their course. But believing Parliament to be misinfomu»il on this subject, he had prppiretl tho broad outline of a measure for their information, w hich was so liberal in ita provisions, and 111 tho oxtension of the franchise, as to be likely to give offence to powerful p'.uties at homo. In ¥ emleavoiinn<> to servo the interests of the colony, ho had exposed himself to the risk of displeasing influential patties at home, and of not satisfying all patties here. Ho believed it was owing to the representations he h,id made that the franchise had been extended in the Australian Colonies Bill, and that the system of direct voting hud been substituted for the system of voting indirectly through corpoi.itions. Ho also contemplated two measures which appeared almost extraordinary in these times; Istly, inquiring no <juahficntion from n member, but that ho should be a voter; and 2ndly, the payment of members, a measure in which at fnet he stood almost alone, but the necessity foi which was beginning to be generally admitted. lie had sent n copy of tho bill to the Home Government, so that it would bo received bolbie tho opening of Parliament, and if bo was deserving of censure for what ho had done, he could only say he had acted from a sincere desue to promote the welfare of the country. He was also desii ous of correcting one or two eirois which some of the members who had spoken had fallen into, in stating that Jarge municipalities weio desired, which they asserted were not expensive, and mny bo mado numerous: tbeybad alao stated tliat gieat dislike was entertained to Piovincial Councils, but he behoved if the provisions of this tnenßuro were piopeily understood it would not bo disliked. Jf it were understood that these Provincial Councils would eventually lup.se into municipalities with extensive, powers ovoi thu levcmie, he thought these Councils would become highly popular, OHpecmlly when it was known that theie was no necessity in the diffeient Piovinces for an officer of higher rank than that of Superintendent. Ho (Sir Geoige) would further remailc on tho ccnsuic which had been ca,st upon him for not introducing municipalities, that there did not appear the least desfle. for them; and bo strongly was this indifference shown, that when on a former occasion he had thought of doing so, and had mentioned his intention in this Piovince, ho had been strongly desired not to do so. 11" might at least claim this merit, he had been the first Governor of a colony who bad proposed the division of tho country into hundreds, and the appointment of wardem to be elected by the inhabitants, for the management of (he affairs of those hundreds ; ho might claim the meiit of being the author and introducer of the system by winch all tho lents and one-thud of the land fund was placed at tho I disposal of these wardens for tho purpose of local improvements. In contemplating these great changes, when he had found tho colonists indifferent or indisposed to their introduction, he had nevertheless gone on accumulating funds for largo public chanties, so that Corporations, instead of being a mere machinery for taxing the inhabitants for improvements, might start with funds at their diepcsal, and that these Institutions 1 might be placed on such a footing as to call out t lie sympathies of tho highest and noblest minds 111 the land. He could conscientiously assort ho had done his utmost to introduce theso Institutions into the countiy; he had (hat very morning put the last touches to a measure for introducing a municipality at And land, w Inch had been prepaied with tho assistance ol his ftiend the Attorney-Genciftl of New Zealand. In lefciung to tho past, ho could unhesitatingly say he had done his utmost to got municipalities introduced into this Piovuice. He bad been very anxious to constitute a municipality at the Ilutt, but owing to the want of information winch prevailed, he had experienced the gieatest difficulty in inducing the inhabitants of that foi tile distuct to aceppt it. Taking himself to task 011 this subject, therefoie, and submitting his conduct to tlieseveit'sUell-Herutiny; he (Sir George) did not think ho was doseivmg of censure for tho course ho had puisued. (Cheeis.) After a few words of explanation fioni t lie LiEUTENANT-Govr.RNoa (which aLo we published on the 12th uIL), The Coioniai- Sicru iahv of Ni w Ziata\'» wished to state, in the strongest manner, the iibwnce of all 111teiference on the pai t of the (iovci riot -111 -Chid us to the couise pursued by the members of Governinenl, and the desire, of his Excellency that they should on -.ill occasions use their own diiuietion .is to any measiiies beloio the Council. He consiclcii <l the piesent measuio as a link of lh;it chain of tlie development of the Govern-

nient of Now Z^.il.md, v, Inch, commencing with tho first Council, limited m its nun)beih,J>nd befi gmdnally extended with the increase of i)opul;ition and the advancement of the colony, lie was opposed to universal sunrnge, which had been advocated by an lion, membor, and would support tho adoption by tho present Council of the principles embodied iv this bill. After a tow vfonh fiom tho Colonial Treasurer of New Mu lister, tho bill was read a second time.

Permanent link to this item
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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZ18510809.2.7

Bibliographic details
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New Zealander, Volume 7, Issue 555, 9 August 1851, Page 2

Word count
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7,170

GENERAL LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. [From the "Wellington Spectator."] Provincial Councils Bill.— Second Reading. Wellington, Wednesday, June 18. New Zealander, Volume 7, Issue 555, 9 August 1851, Page 2

GENERAL LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. [From the "Wellington Spectator."] Provincial Councils Bill.— Second Reading. Wellington, Wednesday, June 18. New Zealander, Volume 7, Issue 555, 9 August 1851, Page 2

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