PRE-EMPTION & LAND QUESTION.
From the very first establishment of the British Government, in this Colony, the greatest preventive to its advancement » has been the complete ignorance of the ' Colonial Office on the most important subjects ; and the pertinacious continuance of the most absurd and impracticable instructions to the Governor of New Zealand. It would have been supposed that the evidence brought before the various committees, year after year, on the affairs of this colony, in addition to the mass pf information, that must have been transmitted by those administering its Government, would have removed the early, erroneous impressions and opinions, and tended to the establishment of a system and policy adapted to the circumstances peculiar to this Colony. But every successiye despatch, ' from the Secretary of State tor the Colonies, proves that the actual condition of the Colony, and the true character of its aborigines, are as unknown as ever ; or—that the Colonial office are determined to persevere in one uniform system of Colonial Government, however the circumstances of one • Colony may djffer from another. t , The whole system and policy pursued in this Colony, from the commencement, has been founded in utter ignorance of the true relative position of the Europeans and Natives. The Treaty of Waitangi was considered a master stroke of political acumen and sagacity: but it has been the cause of continual discussion and controversy, as to its true construction, — and is now denounced by Sir Robert Peel as "an unwise proceeding/ but, that having been made, the faith and honor of Great Britain ■were pledged, and the present ministry , are determined to abide by its articles, From a recent Sydney newspaper we have copied an extract of a despatch from Lord Stanley to Governor Grey, of so late a date as the 27th June, 1845. The iirst paragraph of
this extract conveys the intelligence, that Lord Stanley directs Governo^ Grey to recognise any sales, made by the ' nati'veslo Europeans, under the proclamation of Governor Fitz-Roy, reducing the fee for waiving the Crown's right of pre-emption to one penny per acre ; but his Lordship earnestly impresses on Governor Grey the inexpediency of allowing such purchases for the future. Here is another proof and specimen of per- > tinacious continuance of absurd impracticable instructions. In the first words of the despatch, it will be observed, that his Lordship remarks, that when he sanctioned the waiving of the right, in the first instance, he told Capt. Fitz-Roy that he was of opinion that a higher fee than ten shillings might be exacted in such transactions. Doubtless, Captain Fitz-Roy informed his Lordship that he was compelled by " the Native pressurefrom without' ' — to reduce the fee to a'ynere nominal amount, and that such, sajes ,wouhi continue tbe made by natives, whether 'the Crown did—or did not--waive the right to purchase. Yet still his Lordship is blind to the true state of the Colony, and endeavours to impose on Governor Grey the hazardous task of preventing the natives from sale of their own property. It must be perfectly evident and clear to all in the colony that the right having been waived, and the fee been once fixed at one permy — the same privilege, at the same rate, must still remain, if tlie peace of the Colony is to be secured. As to waiving the right of pre-emption, we consider that the natives have> according to the Treaty of Waitangi, undoubted right to demand it. Referring to the latter part of the second article of this Treaty, are'tlys following words — ";the chiefs yield to her Majesty the exclusive right of pre-emption over such lands as the proprietors thereof may be disposed to alienate, at such prices as may be agreed upon between the respective proprietors and persons appointed by her Majesty to treat with them cjn that behalf." Now these words infer that when the natives wish to sell, her Majesty will always buy— but I it is very well hnown, during the dynasty of ]^Ir. Shortland, and subsequently, that the natives offered, and have been anxious to sell, tp the Government, large tracts of land,-~but they refused to purchase; — fo,r the best of all reasons, that they had no money to pay for land. ' This refusal, on the part .of her Majesty, to purchase when the natives were " disposed to alienate," must certainly be construed as a breach, on the part of the Local Government, of the Treaty pf Waitangi, and it left the natives at full liberty to dispose of " their lands {pd estates, 'forests and fisheries, and other properties," which had been confirmed and guaranteed to them in the first part of the second article of the Treaty. The natives, by the third article, had imparted to them all the rights and privileges of British subjects, in consideration of ceding to her Majesty all the rights and powers of sovereignty which they possessed ; and therefore, having offered the pre-emption fco her Maje.sty, and she having refused, to avai). herself of it, through the local Government, they, as British subjects, had un : doubted right, as any European, to dispose of their, lands and estatesIf the Government refuse to purchase, when the natives "may be disposed to alienate," — the waiving of the right of pre-emption, that individuals may purchase, is, in our opinion, a mere bugbear. The Prime Minister of England has declared, in Parliament, that the Treaty of Waitangi, however unwise and impolitic, shall be held sacred; therefore the local Government are bound to purchase all the lands, that the natives ate willing to sell ; or — they must waive their right, without any f ee) — or merely such a nominal sum of a penny, as acknowledgment from the European, of the Treaty of Waitangi— and let the natives dispose of their lands to whom they please. Exclusive of this view pf the question, there are other grave considerations which should instigate the Local Government to such wise and prudent course. In the first place, all .Government Sales of Land, at one pound per acre, in this colony, are completely extinct. To prove the assertion of this would be merely iwaste of time and words. ' Secondly,— We believe,' that, now, it is universally acknowlegedby those most competent to decide, that New Zealand will never be an agricultural country. The soil, except in some particular localities, is not adapted for wheat ; that is, for such product, in quantity and at such moderate expence, as will be remunerative to the farmer. ' For the domestic consumption of the Settlers, wheat can certainly be produced ; but considering the broad question, whether wheat, as a product, will ever be a staple of New Zealand, we conceive, we are only stating the plain unvarnished truth, when we answer, certainly not. It may be asserted, that the soil has been but partially tried, and that manure will, in addition to climate, and absence of drought, insure good average crops. But the primary question with the farmer is, not the quantity produced, although we allow itmust be considered, as the price per bushel, when he has harvested his grain. It is the competition of Foreign supplies that will render the growth of wheat, in this Colony a certain loss to the farmer, tfome
few years since, we gave the same opinion, bearing in mind the importations that could be made from South America, and in plentiful seasons from New Sotith Wales ; but, recently, there has sprung up another, more prolific and and cheaper resource, for wheat and flour. Even in Sydney, and other paTts of New Sonth Wales, at this time, although ' there has been considerable drought, and many doubts are entertained as to the approaching harvest ; yet there are neither fears as to the deficiency of extraneous supplies, nor any rise in prices : for it is well known, that the adjacent province of SouthAnstralia can ' immediately pour into Sydney ample supplies, at a very low rate. We learn, from very good authority, that Wheat can be produced in South Australia, and be remunerative to the grower, at 2s. to 2s 3d. per" bushel, and is sold in immense quantities at'ttiose prices. As therefore, the colony cannot, from combination of circumstances, become really productive, it must be conceded, we conceive, that no settler can afford to pay a high price for Land which can only be available for, and converted into, pasturage. Stock-holders, possessing large herd of cattle and numerous flock of sheep, require an extensive range of pasture, not only looking to their annual increase, but, more especially, in a country wherein there is so little pasture. If New Zealand is to progress at all, those who make it their abiding place, and are to obtain their subsistence by pastoral pursuits, must have the land at a mere fraction of cost. The expenses of laying down the ground into pasture, and of fencing, — it matters not how cheaply it is done, — will be sufficient cost; and unless the home government take such correct views, and instruct the Governor to act in accordance, the colony will never induce emigration. In addition to the two previous reasons, there remains a third causfe, of far greaterimp'ortance, and much more' fraught with serious consequences if not judiciously managed; and that is, the feelings and consequent ac^s of the natives, if the pre-emption is ridiculously attempted to be maintained by her Majesty's Goverdment. The land adjacent to Auckland, which ft must be allowed is of far greater value than distant districts, — has been sold by the natives, under the waiver of the right of pre-emption. Saving obtained such concessions from the British government, for such valuable'property, ijs it to be supposed that natives will not continue to sell their lands, far distant, and on which .they are most anxious that good Europeans should locate. The natives qn the Waikato, the Waipa, and the Thames, are desirous to sell their lands £o government,— r-but still more anxious to dis^ pose of them, aj: moderate prices, to such Europeans as will locate among them. Can it be imagined that the aborigines will tacitly submit to the breach of the treaty ofWaitangi, as we have explained ? The declaration of the lpcal government, that they will not permit, any but her Majesty, to purchase land, will no longer be regarded by the natives; and to attempt to enforce such absurd, impolitic policy against sound reason, and preponderating physical force, is in our opinion, the very acme pf rashness, folly and injustice. The fertile plains on the banks, of the Waipa and Waikato, can now be purchased by the enterprisjng settler at rational and fair prices. Now, we would ask, is 'the progress of the colony to be retarded by the ridiculous, impracticable instructions of Lord Stanley 1 At the present time, the germs pf prosperity are developing, and will fructify so soon as the internal dissentipns are quelled, in the Colony if not extinguished by the ruinous injudicious measures of the Local Government. Can it be conceived that Te Whero-whero, and the other great Chiefs in the interior, will regard any Proclamation declaratory of prohibition of purchase by Europeans of their superfluous lands which the Government refuse to buy according to the treaty of Waitangi. Without further pursuing this part of our argument we shall only observe that unless Lord Stanley can back his doctrine of inexpediency with Thirty Thousand Soldiers and a Park of Artillery— they are mere verbiage. Therefore we assert thajt the right of preemption must be waived' altogether and the one penny per acre system be continued. Governor Grey' must acquaint Lord Stanley that the policy and conduct considered inexpedient in Downing Street are those of imperative, unavoidable necessity in New Zealand.
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New Zealander, Volume 1, Issue 31, 3 January 1846, Page 2
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1,949PRE-EMPTION & LAND QUESTION. New Zealander, Volume 1, Issue 31, 3 January 1846, Page 2
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