PUBLIC MEETING.

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XIII, Issue 93, 18 April 1878, Page 5

PUBLIC MEETING.

THE PKEMTEB'S ADDEESS.

Notwithstanding tho hurried notice that was necessarily given of £- r George Grey's intention to address the people of Nelson, the Provincial Hall was last night -crowded to excess both below and iv - the gallery _ On Sir George's entering the room he was greo/icd with loud and inccssaut cheering. On the uiotiou of Mr Sharp, the chair was takeii by L.lr Joseph Suei'iiard who said that he was sure there was no occasion to appeal to a Nelson audience for a fair hearing at any time, hut on this particular evening there was a special inducement for lhem to he attentive to tho address that was about to bo delivered to them. Some few months ago they had met there for the purpose ot asking their representatives to accord to Sir George Grey a fair trial, ancl they Avere now invited to listen to a declaration of his policy. He would call upon Sir ■George Grey to address thera. The Hon. Sir George Groy on coming forward "was greeted with loud and continued applause. He said:—Mr Chairman and gentlemen, when the settlement of Nelson was established, the leaders of the people, who camo out here, were some of them a-eally the most eminent men of their day—men of very advanced views in politics -many of them of a very philosophic temperament, and many of them possessing a very great reputation in Europe. Altogether an expedition was formed for Nelson in point of intellect and that point of advanced views surpassed almost any British settlement. Having arrived here, a series of untoward events took place. There was the fatal conflict at the Wairau, and at the catastrophe which followed many of the leading settlers of this Province of Nelson laid down their lives. The views which they had held to a great extent passed oufc of sight. I feel sure that il: at the present moment those gentlemen who perished on that occasion, ancl those who left tho colony in consequence of so great a disaster, had remained in New Zealand, a large number of ekcumstaiices ■which have taken place in this country would never Jiavc occurred. I believe further 'that the laws prevailing here would have been different from what they are now, and lhat altogether the colony would have been in a very different stale. Well now, to-night, I have to speak to the successors of those men ; I have to address those who occupy the places which they ought to have held, if their Jlives had.been spared, and I have no doubt that I shall at all events find amongst those to whom I speak to-night a thorough appreciative understanding of the points which I bring before them; I believe further that 1 shall show lhat I am entitled to an acquiescance in the policy I propose ou the part of those who to-night listen to me. The way in which I will strive to introduce the questions which I shall afterwards submit to your notice is to explain myself to you upon one point regarding vhich I have been very much attacked, because in opening that question I shall bring before you a large number of constitutional questions, the consideration of which will enable you better to understand the subjects to which I shall afterwards allude. I have no doubt you have all heard repeatedly that I acted in a most unconstitutional manner 13. advising the Governor to disallow the Land Bill Vhich was passed last session. Now I should like to have a thorough understanding with you upaithat point, that you may decide who is the person who Jhas acted unconstitutionally in this question. Your constitution is of this form—it states that there is to ho a General Assembly of New Zealand to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of this city, ancl it then goes on to say that that General Assembly shall consist of three bodies—the Governor, the Legislative Council, and the House of Representatives. Then the law exorcising that wise precaution regarding the proceedings of the Legislature, which all laws establishing constitutions do_ endeavor to exercise, in point of fact lays down this principle. Supposing some party is dominant perhaps by a very large majority in 'the House of •Representatives, and that dominant party in pursuit of its own interest says we will make a law to j secure certain advantages to ourselves, and they are told if you make that law you will injure the' rest of your fellow subjects very much. They say "We don't think that; at ail events we are determined to make it," and they make the law, and then the constitution provides, in relation to this that the Legislative Council cau therefore veto that law or throw it out. Then the law giviug you the constitution, in what I regard its consummate . wisdom says this—not in words it makes pro- . vision to meet the contingency, for after all it may he possible that the same party may predominate in the Legislative Coundil, aud iv that case a law may be passed which will injure the great mass of ■ the Queen's subjects to benefit and perhaps enrich a few. Then the law says, well there shall be a third person who shall have the power of vetoing the law, that is, of disallowing it; that person shall be the Governor, and the Governor shall have the right to do tbat at the last moment. You will therefore see that there is nothing whatever unconstitutional in the Governor disallowing a law, or in the Crown disallowing a law, and the Crown has done that in New Zealand before. The Crown is so tender of the interests of its subjects that if a lav/- is made injuring oue subject, as tho Crown thinks' unjustly, the 1 Crown does not hesitate to disallow thafc law. "When the General Assembly believed it neoeesary fchafc tbe expenditure of this Colony should be very largely reduced, they said, we will begin with the Governor, we will reduce all salaries, and they made a law reducing the Governor's salary : but the Crown • immediately said, we think the Governor is unfairly injured, the Governor expected timb during the whole term of his office he would receive a certain salary; wo shall not allow one individual to be : injured, as we think wrongfully by a law; and the Crown disallowed the law unhesitatingly. Now whether thafc was wise policy or not is anothor question, but the Crown had the power to do that, whicli * her Majesty was advised to do. You will therefore sees that in fche Governor di allowing the law there is nothing unconstitutional or wrong. It may be impolitic, bufc he exercises fcho power which is given to him, and whiob iie ia bound to exerciso according to fche best of his judgment and ability. Now in tbo particular case under consideration this took placo. The land fund of New Zealand bad been made j common property, so that wo have all some interest i in it. There were a certain number of gentlemen in j Canterbury, who bad beeu allowed to occupy runs with the permission of tbe Government undor a contract which was to last for iwonty-ono years, and j that contract was extremely! advantageous for themselves—one under which very large fortunes hadJ heen mnde/and were being made—one which had the public of thie colony known fully what their own real interests were, never I am quite sure would huve been originally eutered into, because the public loss under iheße contracts was very great, and the profits to individuals were equally large to the losses on the part of the public. Now these contracts had three "years to run, that is to 1880. _ Ifc was known at the time thafc there was a majority in both Houses in favor of giving further advantages to the holders of thoso runs in Canterbury, and this matter was a most important one, Thia is quite certain, thafc in no other Colony would a prolongation of such contracts bave been allowed until an appeal had been made to tbe people, if there was time to make such appeal. Now there was time fco make such an appeal, because, even if Parliament had expired at the time tbafc ifc ought to have expired, there would have etill been timo for a Bew Parliament to have made a law upon fchat subject. Clearly, therefore, thore was an injustice to the population of New Zealand; iv threo years before tho time when it wa9 necessary to legislate upou that subject, to pass a law giving enormous advantages for a long period of years to the holders of those runs to the great injury of the population at large. (Cheers.) JNow I pointed thafc out in the Assembly, in the plainest language thafc I could possibly use. I said what I say now, that, in point of common fairness, men ought not, without an appeal fco theconstifcuenoies, to have scoured for some tew of their fellow countrymon suoh yery large advantages, and to have inflicted BO great a loss upon the community afc large. Every sort of argument fchafc I did use, every kind of. persuasive language that I could utter, I used myself 2-J ♦ • A"embl J r >' *°™ of my friends did the same, &na tried to get an uppeal made to you before suoh

befcVy burdens were cast upon you. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) You aro to bear in mind thafc this is a qupstion of burdens upon yourselves and on your children; that is, if you take from tbe public revenues large sums of public money and put them into fche pockets of private individuals, ifc means this, that you are to make good these sums of money from your own pockets for the purpose of carrying on tbo government of tho colony. Therefore, anything ho could do or say could avail nothing, being defeated in the Lower House', that is, the House of Assembly— there is really hero no Lower or Upper House— but boing defeated in the House of Representatives, he looked witk more bope to the Legislative Counoil; but when the said law got to the Legislative Council, not only were the runa conferred on the Canterbury runholders for a period of 10 additional years— thafc is 13 years from the present time, but a clause wbich had been inserted by which people would havo been allowed to tako a part of these ruii3 on deferred payments, was struck out, so that tho bill returned from the Legislative Council worse than it went up to fchafc body, and it was then adopted by fche House of Representatives in the form in which che Council sent ifc back. Now there was one other means by which he could still save the people of Novv Zealand from the increased taxation which for 10 additional years it wasinfconded to impose upon them, and tbafc was by advising the Governor to exercise tho right the law gave him, to disallow that Land Bill— (hear, bear, and cheers)— which advico he gavo. Now having given thafc ud viae I put; myself in tliis position—that is myself and my colle iguos. Wo were fche mnn responsible for tho disallowance of the law, not fche Governor. If we had dono any wrong, if wa had done anybody any wrong, punishment would have fallen upon us. If we had done right we were certain of tho support of the population— almost the entire population of New Zealand, Bnd I myself had no doubt whatever thafc we should lmvo that support. (Loud cheers.) You will then perceive thai; according to constitutional law tho Governor was bound to havo taken our advice. The constitutional law ia this, that he muat tako tho advice of his responsible advisers, or in some way ho must get rid of fchem. But ho would not tako our advice; he insisted upon giving his assent to thafc law. Now there is another reason in my mind why he ought nofc to huve givon his assent to thut law— a reason which I think will carry conviction also to the mind of everybody who hears me, and ifc ii this. That wherever a power is given to a certain individual ofinterferingwith the votes of other persons, itis given upon a solemnly implied condition and trust, and that is, that he muet exercise that right by what is called voting with the " noes "; that is, tnat he musfc exercise that right in such a manner as to secure tho reconsideration of the question which is submitted to him. I will try to make myself clear fco you upon thafc point, that you may understand it. Last session there was a vote in the Houbb of Representatives, thafc myself and my colleagues should iv point of fact be turned oufc of office. The " ayes " and tbe "noes" were equal, and the Speaker had to give a casting vote. In fulfilment of fche solemn trust confided in him, it waa his duty to vote wifch the " noes "; thafc is, that we should nofc be turned out of office, And why ? Because the House tbe very nexfc day might reconsider tbe question. If the half of tho Houae had done wrong in comin» to a conclusion that we ought to be turned out" they could have reconsidered what fchey had done. The effect of the Speaker voting with the " 11003 " is -imply to secure a reconsideration of tbe question. Now, in the case I speak of, you will see that the Canterbury runholders would have had their runa under tho contract which had still three years to run. I did not recommend that that contract should be interfered with. I recommonded thafc the question shonld have boen left to the people to decide— that was a privilege and right thafc they hail. I said this : " Where you are going to inflict 1 heavy tnxation upor*, the whole population of New Zealand for thu purposo of enriching a few people, appeal to the population of New Zealand inthe. constituencies, and ask them wbether thoy choose to make those gentlemen a present of thoso large sums of monoy, or whether they do nofc choose to do so." (Chews.) And I said : "Lot the subject; be reconsidered ; send it back to Parliament nexfc session, and lefc Parliament determine then, after opportunities of meeting the constituents, whether ifc will not be their duty to have an appeal made to the country upon this most important point beiore they insist on forcing this law upon the House," The nature of the argument I huve used is this — that the Governor, in fulfilment of what is his implied duty, that is, the condition on whicli this vast and weighty power _ has been placed in his bands of either assenting to or dissenting from a law I say that at least when his Ministers fcold him thafc this point was so doubtful a point thafc they advised him to refuse his assent to it— l say that then at least he ought to have said, " Well, in exercise of the great power that I have, I will follow that rule which British statesmen regard as a point of honor, a point of principle, and I will vote with the « noes' aud allow the inhabitants of New Zealand to see their representatives during the recess, and then let those representatives in the next session of Parliament determine whether thoy will or will not force on this law without an appeal to the population of JNew Zealand." (Loud cheers.) Now that was the position I took up in refereuoe fco this matter, and I took it for this reason. I was in truth, as your Premier, the representative man of New Zealand, and I felt thafc ifc was my duty to speak as I thought a representative man of r»'ew Zealand should speak ; therefore it was my duty to speak in terms which should uphold the rights of fche peoplo ot large in this country. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) In my own mind I feel perfeotly satisfied as to what I did. Men view things in different aspects. Oue aspect in which I viewed this question is the following :- I never could see beforo me, in going through the country aa I do, large crowds of children brought before me— thousands of children assemble before me in some places— without putting to myself this question, "What right has ovoryono of these little ones for tbo nexfc ton years to forego some comfort, perhaps some absolute necessary, in order that fchey may pay something towards putting large sums of money into the poolets of privato individuals, gentlemen who hold great runs in Canterbury." (Loud cheers.) I stand in this position ; lam tho man who is attacked for having done thafc, bufc I can look on these children wifch a face without any blush of shame upon ifc with regard to my conduot fco them. If I had been the individual who had determined for the nexfc ten years to force everyone of these children to give up something whioh perhaps it could ill afford to parfc with in order to enrich those gentlemen who will derive tho money which is to be taken for these runs, I could not look upon those children without a feeling of discomfort and a blush of shame rising to my face. (Loud cheers.) Now you will sco what I am driving at in this. You may rely upon this, that unless the suffrage you establish in this country is upon a broad and fair basis— thafc is, so long aB individuals from come particular olass or somo particular section of the community are almost oertain fco be returned as your representatives— you may rely upon it thafc your representatives will legislate more or lesa for their own advantage. (Cheerß.) Now, I do nofc think that I say anything ill-natured in that j I say nothing intentionally 111-natured. I say whafc every statesman of the present day of any great reputation is saying. They all say this — thafc as the suffrage in England has been extended on several occasions in the manner in which it has been during tbß lasfc few years, every such extension of tbe suffrage has resulted in beneficial legislation for fche people of Great Britain at large. (Hear, hear.) That is admitted by every writer on the subject, upon thafc point thero "is no contest whatever. How was Catholic Emancipation gained ? How were the Corn laws done away with ? How was Slavery done away with? How was capital punishment done awt.y with to tho fearful extent to which ifc was formerly oarried on ? How were fche Corporation and Test Acte done away with ? How ia that now a man oan hold a Municipal office, or any other office, whether he receives the sacrement in tbe Churoh of JEngland, or does not ? Why everyone of theee beneficial laws has followed the extension of tho suffrage ; that is admitted by all. But one thing fchat is now said is, and ifc was said bofore any extension of fche suffrage was carried — You have gone far enough, stop j stay your hande j do nothing; do nofc let in the flood aii demooraoyj you have

done enough. They would now, as on all previous' occasions stop any further advance. JBufc what edy. some of the greatest statesmen in England ? What cays Mr Gladstone? That gentleman says, now m the decline of life, paeeing away as he feels from the world, passing from political life, ho f has arrived at this conclusion that he was in error iri his youth* that he is Batiafied that tbe dne thing Deceesary for Great JBritian k~ and theu he uses tho widest possible terms— " Universal Snffraoe." (Cheers.) That is what; Mr Gladstone says, and ho defends fchafc by arguments which are good in themselves, bufc which I think are nofc the strongestarguments whioh ho might use. Then he is answered by other men, and I ask any man calmly and quietly to read tho answers given and see what they amount to. I am almost ashamed when -I repeat fcho answers. Mr Lowe, a great antagonist to Mr Gladstone, says in fact this— be Bays Mr Gladstone tells you that every man who contributes to tho revenue has a right to a vote ; he tells you that overy fellow that drinks a glass of beer has a right toa vote. That is tho way iv which Mr Lowe answers that point. Then he says Mr Gladstone tells you that every man has a right to vote because by his labor he contributes to the produce of the country To that Mr Lowe replies, «' Well What does that mean, every cart horso has a right to vote beoause ho contributes to the produce of the country" (Laughter.) Well then, further, there is one argument Mr Gladstone uses which I am nofc certain he is right in, and I ara quite certain Mr Lowe is nofc right in his answer to it : it is an argument Ido not insist upon in the least. Mr Gladstone says " Well, I am told thafc ignorant people are nofc entitled to a vote, and I think they are because an ignorant mau is sure to know thafc he is ignorant and he is certain to go to some. good adviser and ask how he is to vote." Mr Lowe answered this by saying « I don't agree with you, J say he is certain to go fco a bad advisor. (Laughter and cheers) I do not myself pay any great attention to thisargument, but I will give you the kind of argument which operates upon my own mind, and which I think should operate upon your minds. I would say in the first place thafc you have here already something which is to my mind worse than universal suffrage. You say that every man who takes out a miner's right is to have a vote if he pays a pound; the man who does not pay a pound for a miner's right is not to havo a vote, excepfc under certain other circumstances v/hich you name therefore what you say in point of fact is this, thafc if 500 Chinese, Avho I sco are advertised for in New Zealand (cries of shame, shame) if they come hero to-morrow you will give every one of them a votethey wont know your language, they won't know what they are voting for, they won't know or understand your laws, but because they give a pound' each you lefc them walk up to the poll en masse nnd vole That is your present law. In addition to that you have another law by which a certain amount of property gives a right to a vote, bufc this unfor-J tunately is cumbered with the necessity of proving thafc you possess this property, and then there is the power of appeal to a Revising Ofl&cer, and ymi may be pet by a troublesome person to a very °reat expense indeed to prove that you are entitlecfto a vote, and so difficult in point of fact iv some circumstances is it to keep upon the roll, that lately -when one of the leading men of New Zealand was about to stand for a constituency, he found that they had managed to get his name struck off the roll and he could not stand at all for the constituency' (laughter), therefore really your whole systcnv of franchise is to my mind in the most unsatisfactory state (hear, hear) Now, what I myself have tried to do is this; to induce people to agree to a law by which every adult male, who has resided for a certain period of time in an electoral district only shall have a right to vote for a representative for tliat district. (Cheers). I think that by a law ot thafc kiud you might do a o-reafc deal of good; you would .secure that* no man should exercise a vote who really had not by his residence iv an electoral district shown that he inteuded to acquire a stake in New Zealand You would get; rid of the miners' franchise, and you would secure other advantages which I will endeavor to point out to you, and which I think are of the most important kind. Now, notwithstanding Mr Lowe's sneering remark about the glass of beer I think with Mr Gladstone that. the. man who contributes to the taxes of the country ought to have a right fco vote for a representative, and I think ho ought to insist upon ib (Cheers). In point of fact ifc comes to this, that every year he has, whether' he likes ib or not, to give up a certain part of his own income and that of his family, for theusesof the State. I think hu duty to his children,. his duty to his family generally , require him nofc. to agree to do tbat unless he has some vote as to the amount that he has to give up, as to the way in which ifc is to be taken from bim, and as to tha manner iv which it is to be spent. I think that the man 'whb does nofc care enough for his wife and children fco insist upon looking after fcheir interest;, and thafc expenditure before ho takes from them eioh year" something moro considerable than you all \fchink, which will doprive them of many advantages \nd many comforts. I think if he cares so little a&put hia family as to haro so much takon from him without his look' iug after the way in which it is done -well, I think ho is not a really worthy man, not a worthy citizen 1 not a man who has self- respeot, or a reai love' for hil country. (Cheers.) I say that a mab is devoid of self-respect if ho allows his follow men to go aa it were, into his home and deprive his children of some portion of tho necessaries of life, if he does not stand up like a man and say "I will not admit that any oue has that right; God has confided tho care of this family to me, and I will not permit any person' to intertero between me and my jSlaker in my duty to them." I think that the man who' has not that feeling really is not a worthy citizen, aud I do not think he can have that respect for himself which is necessary ior a man to havo to hold his proper place in the world. (Cheers.) I speak simply my own feolings, and I boliove the generality of you will go wifch me in this— l say Ido not. wish to have the power of going to my fellow' msm and. putting my hand into their pockets and taking their money out without their ow„ consent, I say clearly tliat everybody who contributes to tho rovonue of the colony in the form of taxation ought to have a voto' iv choosing the representative who ia to fix the amount of thafc taxation, the manner in which" it is fco bo taken, and the manner in which ifc is to be spent-*-----and perhaps that is the most important' of- all. the only way in which you eun secure that right to all is by such a syetem of suffrage as thafc I epeak of. If not, you musfc oxclude a groat portion of the community from fche power of vpti'ug. Now I will meet unother of Mr Lowo'a objections— an objection which is very commonly made, '''.Tho objection has often been mado to* me by somo Very respectable persons, who say, "You" don't meau 1 to say thafc I am only to have one vote, and fchafc so-'aud-eo, some drunken fellow, is to have- just the same power as myself? I will naver submit to that; theso peoplo require some one to keep thomin' order ; it is neoessary that there should be a clasa in the'statp with powers and privileges to keep theso peoplo in order, and I am one of fchafc class ; I will not. lot theae poopla participate with me ,• I will not put myself on a level with so-and-so." To fchat my replyalways is— That here thero is a very' gravo misunderstanding. If you are ao great and good a person as you think you are, if you have conferred suoh benefits upon your fellow citizens, you may rely upon it thafc if you let your fellow citizens know' in what direction you are going to vote, a large number of people will vote in the way you do ; you will exercise a just and proper influence— be satisfied with that : but you caunot deprive this' bad neighbor of yours, whom you look down upon,' of his vote, without including a large mass of. tho people with 'Him. The law caunot say that John" Jonas, ond Tom Stilas, and so forth, and a'oertairi number of them are nofc to vote, but the law will have to say fchat a certain class of pereons shall not have rotes. The law is very cunningly framed; it. 'does hot say that a oertain class shall not have votes, but simply saya a certain class shall have.votes, ahd, in that way shuts out many ofchers. I cay you have no right, in order fco punish some few people iri a community', to shut a large mass of that oommunity 'out from voting. Lefc us look at the very bottom of this matter. JNow, what does, fche law aay ? The law, saya that the rigbfc of voting is so precious a thing thafc' you Bhall not take it from a man who, has committed a crime. Supposing a man commits a feldnyi auppoaing he

oommits some exceßsivoly grave offence, the law will punish him for that offence, and it will shut him up in prison for the time which tho law says is to be apportioned for tbe offence. Whilst he is shut; up he cannot vote, bufc the iaw of every country says that once a man is out of prison he shall have his franchise again ; you shall nob inflict so heavy a punishment on any citizen as to deprive him of his franchise after he has boen punished for his breach of tbe law. That is the law ia civilised countries, aud has been in force many years ; arid yofc because some men drb drtlnkeh you tVill jjunisli tliem by taking their right of voting from them, while fco the criminal you will return ifc . fcbe moment he gets oufc of jail. (Cheers.) These ara two points wbich make me think you will besfc promote the welfare of your country and the welfare of every class of citizens by giving a franchise Buch as I speak of, and thab is tho franohise which I intend to endeavor to obtain. From thia franchise I would not exclude those who cannot road or write. Now lam particular in telling you thia, because thafc point has lately been much pressed upon me. Some persons, would shut out every man from the franohise who cannot read or write. In New Zealand, in tho future, we shall have very few people who cannot read and write, and you put in the law a clause which makes ifc compulsory that evefy child in New Zealand, shall be educated. All thafc we, therefore, have to deal with are those people in New Zealand wbo have come from the mother country, and who cannot read and write.^ I tell you that it was nofc through any fault of their own, but because class legislation existed in Greatßritain, and because year, after year laws for the education of the people up to very recently were thrown out principally in the Upper House, thafc is in the House of Peerß. Tha people were deliberately prevented from being educated lest; they should know too much— (laughter)— lest they should become discontented. (Loud cheers.) I know many excellent men here who were brought up in a forced ignorance of tbafc kind— men quite capable of deciding how fchey ought to vote— men quite capable of understanding why they did vote in a certain direction, and I think we should not attempt to deprive them of the right of the franchise i from s fault which is not their own, and which they cannot hurt us by exarcising. (Cheers.) Therefore i I propose that this right of franchise should be unlimited. The nexfc thafc would follow from thafc is I this, that if you do get a thoroughly good basis for your constituencies in this country yon should get it secured permanently. If you do nofc get a basis of thafc kind I am certain fchafc although nexfc session ! some three or four laws may be passed which will ' be very palatable tot he people afc large, yet in a very j few years' thosß laws will again be gradually gofc rid ! of, and you will go back to precisely the same posi- j tion you are in now. Such laws as I speak of is tie system of taxation which prevails in this colony. Under this system the poor, that is the laboring classes of the community, they and their children pay the greater amount of taxation in New Zealand, and the rich in many instances escape absolutely scot free. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) . There are numbers of persons at present drawing great revenues from ! New Zealand, very large incomes indeed, living out of New Zealand in Great Britain, in France, in Italy, enjoying themselves all over the world, and paying ' nothing whatever to the taxation pf this colony. (Cheers.) Now there is not a civilised nation that allows thafc state of things to exist, Those who draw incomes from England and live in New Zealand have to pay a large income tax, owing to the present Russian dispute, they have to pay 2d or 3d in the £ more, and thflfc will be a serious thing for myself and others. Great Britain says : " You derive a considerable revenue from this country; we pay for an army and navy to protect the country; wo pay for a polico to preserve order; we pay for education that order may be preserved in tha country; we pay for Judges and for Courts of Law, and we are not goinp ] to lefc you have all your income oufc of this country to spend it in New Zeulaud without paying your j share of these expenses to England." (Cheers.) Well ! now, if Great Britain says this to her citizens why ! should New Zealand allow people to tako from this colony very large incomes indeed, and spend the:i. elsewhere, and pay no portion of tho chargos incurred for the protection of their country, and which they ought to pay. (Hear, hear.) I ask you, is it just to your ohildren. (Hear and cheers) Next I tell you that taxes arc levied chiefly on necessaries ol life, and that poor people pay the greater part ol those taxes. The poor people oiten have very large families as you know. (Laughter.) Providence blesßee them in one way perhaps to make up for inflictions tbafc they suffer other ways. Very often the ohildren are very useful if they are put to work on farms. The taxation falls so much per head on every man, woman, and child threughout New Zealand. I may be a rich gentleman drawing £20,000. I may live principally in a club, without any children, and pay little or nothing as my share of the taxes, then why should I derive enormous advantages, from tho colony, and pay little or nothing to its taxation. The" poor man with a large family is the mau who pays. Every little child pays something to make my property more valuable. Well, to my mind that is absolutely wrong. (Hear, hear). I say let the taxes fairly fall in proportion to the advantages which they derive from the state. I think thafc is perfect justice. I can assure you that not only would such a thing he perfectly just, but you can very little imagine the relief thafc it would be to many thousands in this country — you cau very little imagine the spring that ifc will give to enterprise, to commerce, to trade. It would be impossible to trace out through the thousand ramifications the advantages which would result to the community at large." 1 think, therefore,, that for that point we ought most strenuously'to strive. (Hear, hear). The nature of taxes of an indirect kind it is very difficult to understand, but I will give you just oue illustration of fche tLing to try and mako mysolf clear. There ie the gold duty, the export duty on gold ; well. I did my besfc for several years to get that removed, and I will tell you fcbe reasons fchat mado. mo try to do it. The gold duty falls upon the miner, bufc that i» nob admitted. The answer made to ma always is this :— Oh ifc is tbe only way we can get at the banks ; the only way we oan get afc tbe capitalists ; we will get at tlie bank's, we will make them pay thafc. Well then lefc us consider the matter j there are a certain number of tributors, indeed generally speakiDg the mines aro now worked by tributers, and also by small companies of miners— well, these men collect a certain amount of gold, and it was calculated by one treasurer, J whether ho was right or nofc, fchafc the export duty ; 'amounted to 4d. per head per day on fche miner. Although that was contradicted, thafc really fell upon tbem. WeU thafc iB a pretty good sum for a man to pay. These men collected a certain amount of gold,* they took jt to the bank and sold it to the manager, who buys it, and gives them so much au ounce for it. Tbe manager Bays to himself; I shall immediately have to pay Customs duty on this ounce of gold, and I have to advance that duty, I do not recover it till I get tbe money oufc from England; therefore when the gold duty was half a crown, there ia half a crown I have to consider, and interest upon it for seven or eight months, I can therefore only afford to givo so much for that ounce of gold. I say tha manager deducts that from the price of the gold. The answer made to that iB : Oh, not afc all, the managers are not so cufce as fchafc. (JLaughter.) They say in point of fucfc, fche manager does not bhink of that ; he knows the gold is worth so much, he knows what fco give them, that is the Bhort and long of the matter, thafc is the only way we can get afc fche banks. Well now, I am certaiu in my own mind that I am right, and thafc the manager does make his computation thus, and fchafc it is the miner who pays this sum of money.' (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Then an answer Jwas made to me, and I think this tho most extraordinary argument of all, ifc waß said, " Well this is a very benefioial thing ; the miners cannot work vary well for two or three months in the winter. This export duty on gold coming into fche County ■ Counoile or Borough authorities enables them to, employ the miners during the winter on tho reads. Well I don't know, I am a different class of being to' tbe miners. If the miners like this ifc seems odd to me; I bhould nofc like very much to work ail tho summer and to have bo much taken oufc of my earnings in order thab I might pay mysolf for working on the road j in winter. (Laughter.) You see thit is what it really oomes to! I think if II was a rpiner I would rather keep the money in my own

pocket, and employ myself in my own garrlen in the whiter, or on soma litt le piece of ground, or use the proceeds of my labor in some ofcher way. But if the | miners choose to submit to it, of course I can do nothing. One very curious circumstance struck me j about this. I was excessively anxious to get this export duty on gold takou off all at onoo. I know tho miners would fpo at once the great advnnta^o of the thing, because itis quite possible thnt many of the mines whicli now hardly pay for boing worked, would pay vory well if thero wus an additional 3s or 4s [ given, for the gold. If they had clone that the minora would begin to expecfc that ii would be well if all the indirect taxes Were taken off. They do not know what they are paying at present, they buy articles of clothing for themselves and their children, and do not; know if tho duty were lessened fche article would be cheaper and bettor. I could not »et the Legislating to lako off the export duty at onco. The Legislature eaid we must tako it off a little bit at a time, sixpence a year. Ido not believe the banks give a bit more for the gold. In fchat case Ido not think that the minor sees that he gets any advautage. If tho wholo duty had been taken off at once the miners would have realised the benefit and the relief would have been felt at once. If that had been done, a great many olher taxes would have beeu taken off also. Tho effect of theao indirect tuxes is that the poople are altogether misled. If I were to tell you tho amount of indirect taxes per hoad on the wholo population you would be surprised to find the large sum fchafc a family man has to pay every year. I believe thafc the relief to the community at large from certuin indirect taxe3 being taken off— if we cau succeed in doing co nexfc session— would be much greater | than any of you anticipate, nnd fchat is one measuro to which we propose to direct our attention (cheers). I think you ought all to assist the Government in getting some moro equal land law .made than has ever hitherto prevailed in New Zoaland. I think it is absolutely necessary that a land law should be made which should prevent any individual or class of in- ■ dividuals from having advanlages which the whole of their follow meu do nofc enjoy. I believo that it is absolutely essential to your welfare. How much the couutry has suffered from the waut of a proper system, nono of you know ; perhaps ifc will never be known. Lefc people look around at those who have had a great influence in fche Native Department, and consequently a great powor of acquiring lands frora tbe natives in various ways, ancl you wili find almost everyone of thera has realised a large fortune and a large estate. Look around upon thoso who hava had the administration of the lands, I mean those who have really been the trustees of the land for tbe public welfare, and who, according to all rules legulating trustees, ought; to have derived no benefit _ whatever from the public lands, and you will find thafc such powers of administering the public lauds have iv almost all cases led to considerable fortunes to those who used them. I say tbafc it is au absolute necessity that for the future rules must be laid down which wil! prevent such things taking place. A part of the plau by which we believe we can prevent unequal taxation is by putting a tax upon landed property. (Cheers). I was rather amused tins evening, jnsfc before I came here, iv reading a remark thafc such a tax would be a " vindictive tax." To me it appears the fairest tax in the world. Take the case of somo large landed properties iv ; this country. Recently railroads have been made j through them, and I think I speak wiihin the mark if J say these properties have thereby increased [ fivefold in value, certainly if I said fourfold in ; value I should be quite within the mark. Now. ! how were those railways made? A part of the original j plan was that the interest on fche money Cor making those railroads was to be defrayed by rating- the properties through which the railways ran, bufc thafc J proposal or guarantee was never carried out. Large sums of money have been raised from loans for the purpose of making those railways, and large sums have beon spent annually for the revenue "for tin's. purpose, and for which the populalion of New Zealaud afc large have contributed. The children of New Zealand for ever will have to pay for these loans and the interest upont them. l\o haby can be born 4n New Zealand without being liable to pay during its whole life, for giving a value to Mr So ancl So's property. (Cheers.) Now I ask you is that just? ("No.") Ts ifc right? " No.") I soy this : Jet thoso whoso properties have | been benefitted in this way ho in somo manner taxed to pay a fair share of the cost of tho public works j which have given this great value to their properties. , I, therefore, can see nothing " vindictive" in such n proposal. I think thafc to help tho weak, the feeble, and those who cannot help themselves is a meritorious act and uot a vindictive one, therefore, in putting a fair tax upon land, wo should ba doing that which is just to the population of New Zealand at large— fchat which will in no way injure the land owners themselves, for they can "well afford to pay' the tax. (Cheers.) The mora f-icfc of fcheir paying: such a tax will be a guarantee that other public' works will be carried on, which will givo a great additional value to thoir property. They themselvo* will, therefore, in no way Fuffor, but, the whole population of New Zealand will be relieved from that which to my mind is au absolute injustice. Heaently in New Zealand vast properties have been given, for merely nomiual considerations, to private per-' sons._ I think I havo pvoved that already. I believe that in many cases these properties have been given against the law, uot only in breach of the public interest afc large, but absolutely against fche law. They have been given to favored individuals; they could uot have been obtained by any other mdmdnal who was uot favored. Erom money taken oufc of the pockets of the public at large you have given enormous value to the properties so given to such persons, and then' what do you clo ?' lon say there shall be two classes of persons re-' cognised m'New Zealand. If you cannot call them! persons, one shall be persons and the other things. There shall be persons and things recognispd "iir 2ycw Zealand. (Laughter). (The Hon. Premier* theu dwelt afc some length on the injustice of thoJ | present inequality iv the voting power given lo meu of property, and the undue influence which they* were able to exercise in the expenditure of lhe : money contributed by those to whom such votingpower was denied. He pointed oufc tho debasing influence which such a system would produce upon that class of the peoplo who wore placed in a position of subserviency to that class which possessed large properties— unjustly acquired in many cases.' He stated that he would not submit to' such a state of things so long as God gave him strength to struggle againet ifc.) These 1 may be democratic views. I am told, for instance, you are scouring the assistance of all the "loafers" ur *ew Zealand, aud on the other hand I saw it stated in! a letter thafc I was securing the assistance of all the: "roughs m Now Zealand. I say tbat the loafers in J JNew Zealand are not tbe honest hard-working 'men* who ara helping me ; the loafers in New Zealand are: the men who sneak about- public offices— (cheers)— J and who in various ways have acquired advantages' over fcheir fellow men. I aay thafc thooe are loafers who take taxes oufc of fche pockets of fcheir fellow; countrymen and spend them on their own properties. : (Cheers.) These to my mind are the men to whom •■ the term should be applied. On fcho other hand,; those who aro supporting me in New Zealand aro | men who, rising now to tha necessities of fche present 1 time, are determined that a new slate of things shall ' prevail in Now Zealaud— are resolved that a oonstitu-: tion worthy of tho great nation thafc is to occupy' this country shall be founded and established here— are determined that in as far as possible the Govern- J ment of Few Zealand shall in a short period of time J bo confided to New Zealand hands— to hands of meu ' educated and raised in this country. I say that those mon who aro determined to build a great structure of that kind for the future, who are determined to be the fore-* futhors of a nation which shall be proud of those who have gone before them ure no loafers or roughs, but they are true patriots, truo fathers of families? worthy founders of colonies— mon who would be a light and ■ an example for fche generations which are to follow ue. (Cheers.) Looking back now to what I told * you with regard to tho first founders of Nelson, I ; trust, that the luter population of this particular . parfc of New Zealand will in no respesfc fall short of: thoso great men who first established fcho settlement. , I trust tbey will remember themselves, and nofc be ' frightened by such a cry as " Take care what I you are about j mind what you are about 3

you aro going to be tried ; an attempt; is to be made to lead you to try new experiments— to do things which have not been dono before in the old country; be cautious, don't be led astray; follow tho examples which have been set you in Great Britain; rui tf uily watch every step ; do nothing new." Now I tell you disregard that wholly and absolutely. (Hear, hear.) Here you aro men who have come forth from the old nation to try and batter your position in the world ; to found homes for your families. You have come here to wrong no one, not to conquer a reluctant race, not to expel people from their habitations and homes, and tako them yourselves ; you have come here, by your own industry, to work, to hurt nobody, but to found a nation, to found families, and to leave homes for thojo who nro to follow you. (Cheers.) You have oome hero embarrassed by no feudal system ; no ?rcat pauper population ; no religious feuds ; nolaws to make one class auperior in this country to another ; no aristocracy such as exists in England, with a right of hereditary legislation, to whom you, and your heirs, would have had to bow for ever. Nothing of the kind; you start here all upon a principle of equality, to make a new country. (Cheers.) You have no French near you to frighten you ; no> quarrels with Russia ; no borders to defend againet a foo; no necessity of keeping up a great army or a great navy. You are hero absolutely under new circum« stances ; every man to do that which is besfc under fche circumstances surrounding hiui. You arfl capable of judging of those things yourselves. Strive not therolore to follow examples giveu under such totally different circumstances ; strive not; to imitate men who are nofc ia theso circumstances in which you arc now placed ; but strive to clo this to show that you are an intelligent reasoning people, that you know what you ought- to do; you see what you ought to do, and you will do ifc without asking whether ever anyone before has done the samo thing or nofc. (Cheers). .Determined under your new circumstances to set au example, to lead on, to aid the new nation whicli is boing born and brought into being, to leave an example behind you which will he recollected for centuries in this new country, to give example fchafc others should follow instead of servilely following examples which have no reference whatever to your own condition. (Cheers). Now if wo all determine to do that we shall build up a great population; wo shall create a great degree of prosperity iv this country; we shall carry our people— a nation toa degree of prosperity, of liberty, of knowledge, such as has never before been seen; not, miud you, on account of any particular worth on our owu part, not because we have auyfching to boast of in ourselves above our fellow men; bufc for this reason that we possess advan-. lages such as our fellow men have never before possessor.—t hat we have opportunities such as have never before been given to ofcher men, and it is simply by using those advantages, availing ourselves of thoseopportunities, thafc wo shall surpass others who have had no such advantages, no such opportunities afforded fchem. (Cheers.) Now, I have done my utmost, in tha short time I had to do it, to explain to you the general policy thafc the Government intend to pursue in the ensuing session. I have dono this because we desire to carry the peoplo of the country with us. (Hear, hear, aud cheers.) We desire no longer to havo measures passed by surprises > we no louger wish thafc the population of New Zealand should awake some day and find themselves subject to a law which fchey havo never considered and ot which thoy had known but littlo ; bufc wo wish that in as far as possible every man in. New Zealand should not only have the power of voting [of a representative, bufc that he should to a certain exfcont become one of the legislators of his country, by having an opportunity, before a law was proposed to the Assembly, of considering what fche law was to bp, and of being able to record his vote at a public meeting, or in some other way, against a measure of which he disapproved, or, on tho ofcher band, of supporting with his approbation measures which ho folt were {op tho public good. Theso aro Uio views with which I have spoken to you to-night. It now only remains for me fco thank you for fcho patienfc and attentive hearing which you have been ao srood as to give me. (The Hon. fcbe Premier resumed bis seat amid enthusiastic cheers, which were continued for some time.) Air Acton Adams had not expected to he asked to come forward, and therefore was nofc prepared with a speech, but he wished to propose a vote of thanks to Sir George Grey for his eloquent address and of confidence in him and his Government. The last occasion on which he had stood on thafc platform was during tho last session, when the electors assembled for the purpose of asking their representatives to give to Sir Georgo Grey a fair trial, and with the view of applyiug to their members that stimulant which appeared to bo necessary to induce them to give at least a temporary support to the new Ministry. The question before them now was, were they right in affording thafc support ? Wheu they considered tho loose system of finance under the Atkinson Govornment, he thought there coulcl be no doubt that they were perfectly justified iix the action they theu took. Sir George had lucidly explained his views, and there could be no doubt whatever that he was a thorough democrat. With. most of his expressed opinions the majority of his hearers would agree, but, whether they agreed or not, he felfc sure that all would allow that ifc had done them good to listen to such a speech. They had been shown that fchey were founding a nation uuder exceptional circumstances, having started with a clean sheet and uninfluenced by the considerations by which older nations were affected. Zealand had now a more thoroughly colonial Ministry than over she had before. Mr Sheehan was a New Zealander by birth, and in Mr Macaudrew and Mr Ballance they had. men who were nofc afraid of hard work— men who were thorough, patriots at heart, aud entirely devoted to the colony. I now ask you to agree to the following resolution : "That this meeting cordially thanks Sir George Grey for his eloquent address, and declares its confidence in him." Mr Ered Atkinson seeouded the resolution " on behalf of the working men." No oue else appearing desirous of addressing the meeting, the Chairman put the resolution, and after taking a show of hands, declared- it to be carried unanimously. A vote of thanks to the Chairman proposed by Sir George Grey brought the. proceedings to a close, repeated aud enthusiastic cheers being given for Premier before tho meeting dispersed.