THE WAR IN EUROPE.

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume V, Issue 215, 12 September 1870, Page 2

THE WAR IN EUROPE.

In order to place our readers in possession of the events that have led to the European war which has broken out with such startling suddenness, we give the following narrative collated from the letters of correspondents of the Australasian which appeared in that journal of the 3rd instant : —

I The history of the war with which we are now threatened may be briefly traced. Early in July Europe was startled by the news that General Prim had fixed upon Leopold, a Prince of the German House of Hohenzollern-Zigmaringen, as the future King of Spain. Immediately the announcement was made to the Court of France, a tremendous ferment broke out . in . Paris. The candidature was regarded as the fruit of an intrigue between Prim and Bismarck intended for the injury and humiliation of France. It was an attempt to confine the French territory within a Prussian cordon — to make Bismarck paramount, anl Napoleon secondary. Immediately the news reached Paris the French Government announced to the Chamber their intention ot vigorously resisting the candidature. The Due de Grarmnont the French Ministers of Foreign Affairs, made a violent speech to the Deputies amidst tremendous excitement. The Boulevards caught the fever. The Bourse was furiously agitated and Rentes went down some 5 per cent, iv a few minutes. The most energetic remonstrances were addressed to the Prussian Government. The Parisian journals boiled over with rage at the insult which France had received, and instant war was threaten ed against Prussia unless she renounced the Hohenzollern, and made atonement. The first intelligence of these arrangements of Marshal Prim's did not reach the public ear through the usual channels but in a somewhat roundabout way, and the sensation produced in Paris was aggravated by the secrecy of the proceeding. M. Benedetti, the French ambassador at Berlin, was instructed to repair at once to Elll3 where King William was at the time, and to enter into negotiation with him |with a view to obtaining the withdrawal of Prince Leopold's candidature and thus do away with further complications.

The interview took place, and as the King had apparently never wished for war or thought that he should arouse the susceptibility of the French nation to such a pitch, it became incumbent upon him to find some means to get honorably out of the difficulty, or to gain time to make ready for war. There seemed to be an easy and convenient way of settling the dispute, the voluntary desistencc of Prince Leopold himself.

Prince Anthony, his father, was summoned to Ems, where, on the llth July, a family council wa3 held. What was said or done at this council we know not. But so it was that the next day Prince Anthony announced by a telegram to Marshal Prim at Madrid, and to M. Olozaga, the Spanish ambassador at Paris, that he renounced for his son the crown of Spain. As there exists a particular rule which forbids each and every member of the Hohenzollern branch to take any important engagement without being authorised thereto by the head of the. family, this renunciation made by the father in the son's name was as serious and ns true to law as would have been a renunciation made by Prince Leopold himself, who, during all this time was quietly drinking the waters in a small German watering place, and does not appear to have had the slightest share in the family council held at Ems. It might be imagined that this would have proved satisfactory to Napoleon, but what was afterwards demanded by France and refused by Prussia, may be gathered from the following concluding paragraphs of tho declaration read before the French Senate, on the 15th July, by the Due de Grammont — a declaration which strives to throw the whole responsibility of the rupture upon the King of Prussia himself. —

"I requested the King," wrote M. Benedetti, who, as we have before mentioned, was the French ambassador at the Prussian Court, "to allow me to inform you, in his namp, that if the Prince of Hohenzollern should resume his design, his Majesty would interpose his authority and forbid it. The King positively declined allowing me to make such a declaration. I strongly insisted, but was unable to molify tlie dispositions of his Majesty. The King put an end to our interview by saying that he neither could nor would make such an engagement, and that he was bound with respect to this contingency, as to all others, to regulate his conduct by circumstances."

"Although this refusal appeared unjustifiable, our desire to preserve to Europe the benefits of peace, was such that we did not break off negotiations, and notwithstanding our legitimate impatience, and the fear that discussion would only impede matters, we asked to adjourn our explanations until to-day. How great was our surprise when we learned yesterday that the King of Prussia had notified through an aide-de-camp to our ambassador that he "would receive him no moreand that,to make this refusal unequivocal ,his Government had communicated the matter officially to the Cabinets of Europe. Under these circumstances any further attempt at conciliation would have been undignified and imprudent. We have neglected nothing to avoid war. jjWe now prepare ourselves to face what offers — leaving to either side the responsibility that belongs to it. Yesterday we called in our reserves, and with your concurrence we now take the steps necessary to guard the interests, the security, and the honor of France."

This declaration was received with unspeakable enthusiasm, and the assembly was in a state of deep excitement. After some moments of silence, the plaudits were given with still increasing vigomyand lasted several minutes when the President said : " Does anj' one wish to speak ? '' — No ! No ! " from all sides. — A Senator, "Then the word is — To your guns." — The President, Tbe Senate, by its enthusiastic applause, has given its high approbation to the conduct of the Government. In its lively emotion it anticipates the noble sentiments of the., country. We have only now to rely on God and our courage for the triumph of the sword of France." (Tremendous and reiterated cheers). On the following day, the House voted unanimously (save one dissentient voice) a credit of 50 millions of francs for the war department, and 16 millions for the navy.