THE Mount Ida Chronicle FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1876.

Mount Ida Chronicle, Volume VII, Issue 364, 25 February 1876, Page 2

THE Mount Ida Chronicle FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1876.

Wild guesswork as to the result of present political indications is the leading characteristic of the newspaper column. It seems a pity that the guessing and prophesying should be so miserably dull and confused. One article has it all cut and dried that the Government have a safe majority of eight. Another, in tone of equal assurance, would give a minority of one. All appear to think a lot of new men can be gauged by rule and thumb, as the weight of bullocks by tape and mathematics, and that the shifty among theold members can be infallibly told off into respective lobbies, when, which way the plums will fall, is a matter of most uncertain determination. One writer asserts that Whittaker of Auckland, who boasts in his power to show the utter illegality of the Compact of ISSG, will be the coming Postmaster-

General, and that thus the OtagoAuckland Provincial palty will be broken. Another has it that the new Minister must be a Southern man,:and, being so, must be Moorho'use." These vapoury conjectures may- well be" allowed to stand aside to .solve themselves in a few weeks. •. A more serious question is, to a great extent, ignored. "We would far rather see discussed what 'Members would be likely to. support liberal measures, such as taxation of unimproved freeholds, establishment of free trade, abolition, of special taxation, and a fair land administration. We certainly hear a great deal about Ota go's policy: That it consists of home management of Otago affairs. We know Canterbury,s two heights of policy, as expounded by two Ministers, Mr. Stafford (the Ministerial adjutant), and a host of rank and file, are the sale of the Pastoral country in perpetual leases, but not at an increased rental, to the present tenants, and a harbor forTimaru—the South Canterbury Bill of Eights. G-oing further "Vortb, Wellington's Magna Gharta is expenditure of departmental salaries in the place ; Taranaki is satisfied with a central penal establishment, to work miracles with nature; Hawkes Bay will jump with the King provided wool is not taxed, and a specific is found for the sheep rot; lastly, Auckland wishes the sole enjoyment of the robberies from her own natives, and, if that does not suffice, a share also of her white sister's lands in the south.

Is a state of public opinioß, which self-registers such a wonderful electoral record likely to result in the return of an intelligent body of representatives ? If the representatives, as is almost certain, reflect the people, can we trust our Parliament to do good and safe work as the sole power-pos-sessing governing body ? It is almost giving the lie to experience to expert the new Parliament to Bee other lines of division than what were sported on the hustings. Yet it is of the gravest necessity that the leading line of political division should be mapped out by liberal Members, determined to resist the encroachments of a rapidly-increas-ing monied Conservatism. The rude shock the Provinces have sustained by the introduction of the Abolition Bill may have the good effect of inducing the formation of a Liberal Colonial party in the House. If such a party had been in existence last session the introduction of the Bill in the cavalier style attempted would have been impossible, for, however weak in numbers at the outset, it would at once have become the nucleus for popular support. No one can doubt that New Zealand electorates are at heart liberal. The people can hardly be blamed for non-discernment of the men they should support when cloaked and hid under such extraordinary delusions as the hustings necessitated or evolved notably in Canterbury and Auckland. A party of men supporting leading liberal measures would at once alienate Mr. Reynolds from the Centralists, would divide Mr. Stout from Mr. Eeid with his peculiar motions of the equality of manhood and property—one vote for TCianhood and one vote for property—and would, we should hope, wean Mr. Wakefield of Timaru from the gulf into which at present he is rushing headlong at the tail of Mr. Stafford but over which his more practised leader _will step safely regardless of the sacrifice of the gregarious following. Centralists say, with an appearance of truth, that the poverty and ; extreme localisation of political thought on the hustings, is a proof of the evils of Provincialism. This is, however, fallacious. It is certainly a proof that the Assembly has gradually usurped functions in the development of which the people have shewn no sympathy. It is a proof that the government of the Provinces is alone sufficient to absorb the popular interest, without attempting to make every local necessity a cause for Colonial Act of Parliament. Indifference, and a good deal of ignorance on the hustings, may as truly be indicative of the necessity of simplification of the functions at present attempted by the Assembly as of over-goverment in the Provinces. Professing no prophecy as to the way the Member for A will vote on Abolition, or the side the Member for B will take when educated a little in the social serenities of Wellington, we are venturesome enough to hope to see a large majority of Otago men rallying round a liberal Colonial standard. Well guided, a liberal party could not fail, in a very short time, to obtain the support of a majority in the House, and in the country.

Sib Jtjlitts Yogel at the "Wellington banquet is reported to have said:—"ln " ±873 it became the duty of the Colonial Treasurer—l had then the " honor of holding that position—to " propose that adventitious and extra " assistance be given to every, one of " the Provinces, with two exceptions " only, and those two wanted assist- " ance in another way. In consequence " of our great resources and , wealth, " they said, we want to borrow large " loans. Nearly all the Provinces " wanted assistance from the General " Government: Some on the ground " of imnecuuiosity; others, possessing " large means, wanted to borrow more " money, while the onus and responsi- " bility rested on the shoulders of " the Colonial Legislature. I think " the Government saw that it was use- " less to go on in this way, and that a " change was necessary." The inference intended to be drawn is of course —A.bolish the Provinces, and we escape the Provincial borrowing. This is the most plausible position the Centralists take up. It is very generally

accepted, and is very seldom fairlymet. The tendency Is rather to run away from the attack. What iB the cause of Provincial borrowing ? Is it the Councils that cause the wish to borrow of Ordinance-framing that implants into the breasts of Provincial Councillors such a strong wish to borrow for local works that it has to be resisted to the death ? The cause is rather the determination of each hamlet or settlement to keep pace with its neighbor, and the willing aid such rivalry receives from the property holders who have most of all to gain by the expenditure of public money through or to their holdings. Every influence which exists at the present time under Provincialism will continue to exist were the Provinces abolished to-morrow. In the place of one Provincial Executive and its friends bringing pressure on the Government of the day to raise money, we shall have five or six County Council Chairmen, probably with seats in the Assembly, all of. whom will be backed and supported by their County followings. The fact of local securities being too bad to satisfy the money market will only Listen the time when the Government will be forced to loan money to the local bodies at a low rate of interest. The Colonial borrowing will certainly be in one hand, but the amount demanded will steadily increase. The unity arrived at is but of doubtful advantage when every Harbor Board, and Municipality has already individual borrowing powers. There is no Provincial system in England, yet for some time the English Parliament has been advancing money at a low rate of interest to local bodies. According to a calculation in the ' Pall Mall Gazette' during the eighty-two years ending 31st of March, 1874, a sum of £66,951,526, or an average of £BOO,OOO a year, has been so advanced. The annual amount has been year by year increasing. In 1870-71 the advances amounted to £947,636 ; in the last financial year, 1874-75, they slightly exceeded £2,821,000, while during the first three quarters of the present year they have already amounted to £2,700,000. These advances appear to be quite distinct from advances made under the Act relating to Public Works loans. In this country for many years Municipalities and kindred bodies will get along paying high rates of interest on their own securities, but sooner or later, as the value of their securities depreciates, they also will join the at present embryo Counties in bringing pressure upon Government. The instinct of borrowing is not to be checked by smashing up a form of local Government.

An extraordinary delusion appears to exist in regard to Mr. Haugbton's visit to the Goldfields. A portion of the Press, who pin their monstrous faith to the tail of the Central prodigy of the hour, and gloat over Centralistic utterances as if speeches from the throne, made a great deal out of very little. Consequently many of the half-converted were led to believe that Mr. C. E. Haughton's visit would be a sort of triumphal progress through the domain of Provincial maladministration. They depicted their hero seated in a chariot, the very wheels aglow with the lubricating oils of Centralism, bowing to the miners, and listening gracefully to this grievance and the other. After due inflation with auriferous gas, locally manufactured, they hoped that, if safely delivered, he might do good service to the Goldfields in Wellington: The expectation was so great the result could not fail to be disappointing. As a matter of fact, Mr. Haughton has no political existence. He is a General Government departmental Immigration Officer, and, in addition, holds the office of Under-Sec-retary for Goldfields. This is an office rendered necessary for emergencies, such as the resumption of the delegated powers, the actual j)resent duties being the looking after one or two officers in Auckland. It is part of the Government policy to place the whole of the Goldfields officers" under one department. In order to be prepared to do this, Mr. Haughton is trotted round to inspect the administration, as carried on by the Provinces, to get an idea as to the general personal ability of the officers, ind the work they have to do. This very innocent pilgrimage has been magnified by the comet-seekers as a political visit of great importance. As a consequence we find a tendency to villify Mr. Haughton for not—parrot like—repeating in every quartei imaginary feats of inquiry, sure to lead to deputations, and the like. A departmental officer would have considered any such scheme of progress as was chalked out for Mr. Haughton, put-in execution, simply an impertinence, to be resented by a probable dismissal. It will be a curious freak' of the time if Sir Julius Vogel, as Premier, really attempts to carry out against Otago what, as Provincial Treasurer, he resisted to the verge of revolution. Whatever becomes of the Provinces, our expressed opinion has been, and is, that Goldfields administration, as carried on by a special department, must tend to consolidation or abolition.

It is not uncommon on the Goldfields at present for miners to believe that, so far as they form an element in the schemes of New Zealand politicians, that that element might be fitly represented by a round cipher. The Goldfields, they think, may drift themselves, wedge like, into a policy, but will not be taken into account beforehand. This is not altogether true. It is right it should be known, and widely known, that, besides the scheme of consolidation of administration referred to above, a scheme is also already on foot, providing for the sale of auriferous lands. The 'New Zealand Times,' a paper that, whatever else it represents or misrepresents, never misrepresents the Government, has in several articles lately taken credit to itself for having for some time advocated what it calls the American system of miners working their osvn freeholds. Whatever the ' New Zealand Times' takes credit to itself for having advocated, whether it has written upon the subject or not, is likely to be a card about to be played. We warn the miners'of Otago that it is likely a scheme will be introduced which will sanction, if not encourage, the sale of auriferous country. How such a scheme would play into the hands of the would-be capitalistic freeholders of Maniototo, Manuherikia, and Wakatipu need not be further pointed out.