TALK WITH LENIN.

Manawatu Herald, Volume XLI, Issue 1957, 27 March 1919, Page 3

TALK WITH LENIN.

WOULD LIKE PEACE,

REVOLUTION AND AMERICA

On 3rd February, Arno DpschFleurot cabled to the Now York World from Berlin a? follows; — Robert Miner, whose unique interview with Lenin*, the Bolshevik leader, follows, furnishes the mostimportant ’contribution - that has been made to contemporaneous Russian history. Mindr is no Bolshevik. Texan horn, of Virginia blood, he is so aggressively democratic that some would call him an anarchist.

Because he thought there had been a miscarriage of Justice he gave a year of his life to save Thomas J. Mooney from hanging in San Francisco. Then ho went to Russia, where he thought the Bolsheviks were giving the perfect liberty that he craved. After living through that terror, lie has come to Berlin, disillusioned and embittered. This is Minor’s story;—

KEEPS UP UN COMPROMISIN’ (I

FRONT,

“I have Just come from Moscow, where, a little more than one month ago I had a talk with Lenin which hears materially upon the present difficulty in which the Entente finds itself in relation to Hie Bolshevik Government, Previously I had talked with him casually during my stay of nine months in Russia. This time Lenin know he was giving an interview and lie appreciated the effect it might have on the outside world. As far as I know, it is the only interview he ever granted since ho has been in power in Russia.

“He eoueiied his thoughts in terms of world revolution, as one .riding wild horses, who tell that his hold in the saddle depended on his maintaining the attitude of the world’s most uncompromising rebel. It will be noticed, however, that while his intransigeant phrases Hew with, rapid automatic ease, his manner became different and much more deliberate when I introduced (he subject that had led me to seek him — the relation of the Bolsheviks to the Entente, and the possibility of an understanding. “I feel certain that Lenin "wants peace. It was (hat feeling that took me (o him. All Moscow, indeed, had been drifting into almost certain knowledge that he had become willing to comply with the prime prerequisites of peace, namely, (o pay the war debts contracted by the old regime, which had been repudiated by the Soviets in Hie earlv da vs of their defiance.

“LEAGUE OF IMPERIALISTS.”

“‘What about the League of Nations?’ I asked him. ‘Has #he recent entry of the Menshevik leaders into the Government affected the eligibility of the Soviets for the League of Nations?’ _ “Lenin caught me up before 1 had finished, his usually mild voice becoming suddenly harsh. ‘They are not forming a League of Nations,’ he said, ‘hut a League of Imperialists to strangle the nations. President Wilson is a shrewd man/ he added drvlv.

“Turning to the-other angle of the question, he continued; ‘The Menshevist, Marl elf, came into (lie Government because he saw he must choose between, (lie Hussion Soviet and extreme reaction.’ “Lenin could not afford to tell the whole truth about the entrance of non-Bolsheviks into the Government, for he must maintain the intransigeant front. The main fact in the new situation is that, the socalled nationalisation of Russian industry has put insurgent industry back into (he hands of-the business class, who disguise (heir- activities by giving orders under the magic titles of ‘peoples’ commissaries.’ That is the only title that commands obedience.

“Ignoring this essential fact, Weinstein mentioned the conversation of Maxim Gorky, and Lenin smiled. All the Russians make a god of Gorky. There were other vital points on which I wished to press Lenin, hut he kept trying to interview me. THE WEI) ARMY. “ ‘What are the Allies going to do with (heir troops iu Russia?’ he demanded. ‘Do they want to support the old feudal interests here which are comparable to the German junker interest? What are the American soldiers like individually; would they be susceptible to propaganda V “Jit order to regain control of the interview, I asked; ‘What will you do if the Allies send big armies againsl you.” “ ‘lf they send anything short of very big armies,’ he replied,’ ‘we will defeat them.’

"‘And if they do send very big armies?’ I persisted. “ ‘Then they will make a very big war/ he answered, smiling', but without mirth.

“Suddenly changing the subject, lie asked: ‘What do yon think of the Bed Army?' I said I thought the Bed Army within a few weeks had submitted to the most exacting discipline in the world —revolutionary discipline, as the Bolsheviks call it, which contrasts as much as possible with the former propaganda against obedience to orders. •WHEN WILL IT BEACH AMERICA? “ ‘How soon will the revolution get to America?' was his question. The tone was confident. He,did not ask me if it would reach America, but when, as if he took it for granted that some day the red flag would wave in Washington.”