What We are Fighting For.

Manawatu Herald, 30 November 1899, Page 2

What We are Fighting For.

Mr Chamberlain in his great speech in the House of Commons on 18th October, said:— That having most carefully considered all the circumstances in the light of the most recent events, in the light of the ultimatum, and in the light of recent speeches of President Kruger and others, he had now come to the -conclusion that war was always inevitable. It was only the conclusion at which he had recently and most reluctantly arrived. We were going to war in defence of the principles upon which this Empire had been founded, and by which alone it could exist. Now what were these principles ? The first principle was this : That if we were to maintain our position with regard to other nations, if we were to maintain our existence as a great power in South Africa, we were bound to show that we. were both willing and able to protect Btitish subjects everywhere when they were made to suffer from oppression and injustice. This was especially incumbent on us in the present case. It was incumbent on us because equality, promised to the two white races by President Kruger, was the foundation of the negotiations upon which the independence of the Transvaal was conceded ; and it was promised to the British subjects in South Africa by Mr Gladstone, the head of the government which made the convention. That then was the first principle. It was a principle which prevailed always and everywhere, and in every difficulty we may have had with another country ; but it prevailed with especial force and emphasis in this case where our relations to the Transvaal were so special and peculiar. The second principal was this : It was in the interests of South Africa, and in the interests of the British Empire that Great Britain should remain the paramount Power in South Africa. What he meant was, not the German possessions, nor the Portuguese possessions, but the two Republics and the British colonies. He thought everyone must admit that that great principle was one which both sides were determined to maintain. Why do we maintain it ? Because, as the Leader of the Opposition said most wisely, the peace of South Africa depends on our accepting the responsibility of that position. These then were the two principles, and we were at war now because the oligarchy, it was nothing more than an oligarchy ; it was a Republic, but not a democracy, because the oligarch)' at Pretoria, very often he was afraid, in its own personal interests, aided and abetted by President Steyn aud by advisers outside the Republic, had persistently pursued, from the very day of the signing of the Convention of 1881, down to now, a system, a policy which was instinct with evasions of its obligations, by which it had broken its promises, by which it had placed gradually, but surely, British subjects in the Transvaal in a position of distinct inferiority, by which it had conspired against and undermined tbe suzerainty or paramountcy which belonged to the Queen. Throughout the negociations we have put first the object we had had in view, to maintain the equality of the two races, to secure the protection of British subjects, to confirm and uphold the suzerainty of the Queen. Iv our endeavour to maintain peace we had shown endless patience, we had run some risk, but we had never been prepared from first to last, for the sake of peace, either to betray our countrymen or to allow this paramountcy, or whatever you call it, to be taken from us. President Kruger had settled the question. He had appealed to the God of battle, and (Mr Chamberlain said) with all reverence we accept the appeal believing that we have our quarrel just.