English and Foreign.

Lyttelton Times, Volume VIII, Issue 511, 26 September 1857, Page 4

English and Foreign.

Having given in our last issue a summary of the intelligence brought from England by the late mail .up to the-day of its departure, we lay before our readers to-day an outline of the occurrences of the period intervening .since the previous mail, taken from the ■ columns of the weekly newspapers. •(Foe the Week ending June 20.) ' So far as the House of Commons is concerned, the Oaths Bill was settled on Monday night without any alteration. The whole discussion was of the kind "that we had completely anticipated ; with few exceptions, the substantive amendments where those which we knew before* hand ; the ouly question was as to'the manner of advancing them, and that was the best that under the circumstances could be adopted. Mr. Deasy proposed " to alter the form of the oath contained in the bill in such manner as to enable it to be taken by Eoman Catholic subjects -of Her Majesty "/arid he stated the well•understood reasons with a simplicity and temperateness calouiated to win success if that had been possible. He brought forward arguments of Peel, and-even of Wetherell, to prove that , since concession had.been made to Roman Catholics, it might be rendered complete. Lord Paluierston did not question that position at all; and,' although some Members tried to raise a Catholic or an Anti-Catholic debate," —although Mr. Drummond interrupted the debate in order "' to tell, a few truths," and Mr. Roebuck strove to dra^attention to the "lie " which members are now made to swear, —the division l'eally turned upon the point of policy which we have already noticed. Should a Romsn Catholic question be inserted into the bill as well as a <Tew question, and thus court the rejection of the measure in the House of Lords ? By 373 to 83 the House determined that the two questions should not be mingled. Again Mr. Roebuck stood forward as the champion of " the truth:" for the denial of the Pope's authority *" ecclesiastical or spiritual" Mr. Deasy's amendment would have substituted a denial of it as "" temporal or civil;" but the House having declined the substitution, Mr. Roebuck moved to ••add the words "bylaw," which he thought more apposite to the existing fact that the Pope does exercise a spiritual jurisdiction within the British dominions. But by 243 to 68 the House determined not to make that unnecessary and purely literary alteration in the bill. Then Sir Frederick Thesiger came forward with the Conservative opposition, put in the form of a simple verbal amendment proposing to reinsert the words "on the true'faith of a Christian." This led to the old debate, with some varieties introduced by the new Members, —Kinglake, especially, on the side of tolerance; Warren adorning with Scriptural dashes, in the style of Martin the painter, some of the old commonplaces against .the admission of Jews to " a Christian assembly." But the House resolved, by 341 to 201, that it would proceed with the Jew Bill this year. The purely dilatory amendment by Lord Robert Cecil, " to report progress," was set aside by 278 to 142; and the bill passed through Committee. There cannot therefore be.a iloubt as to the opinion of the House of Commons: it now remains to be seen how far the House of Lords will persevere in thwarting the so deliberately expressed resolve of the Representative Chamber.

The conversation, rather than debate, commenced by General Peel on the steps taken by Government to carry out the improvements rendered necessary by the disclosures of the Sebastopol and Chelsea reports, was interesting in its aspects. The Premier answered, tuat General Peel did not perceive so clearly as official people what had since been done, nor could he know what further is in contemplation. The active share taken in the debate, not only by Sir John Pakington, Sir John Trelawny, and Mr. Henley, but by Mr. Ellice, all avowing sympathy with General Peel, shows the growth of an independent party in the House of Commons, which, if Government intended any evasion of improvement, would render such a course dangerous, if not impossible.

The election fervour in France continues, 'where it is not kept down by the Imperial hand. The Prefects and Mayors, competing for favour, exercise the most flagrant interference ; the v* Siecle'has received a third " warning;" and the whole conduct of the Government gives the lie to those who take the Corps Legislatif for even the shadow of a " representative institution." The grossness of these interferences amounts to bungling, and some ascribe the clumsiness to the want of "the master's eye." Belgium has felt the full benefit of the " master's eye." The Ministers, in reporting on the late outbreak against the Charitable Bequests Bill, recommended a prorogation of the Parliament, and a suspension of the bill till next year. The sagacious King, intimating that he never would have consented to the bill if he had found it to have the character ascribed to it, recommends his Ministers, in the name of civil concord, to drop it altogether. Belgium is tranquillized. The proceedings of the grand authorities in Italy are of a kind to justify both the apprenhensions and the dislike of the Liberals in Belgium and some other countries. The Pope has at last reached Bologna; his people being compelled to garble their addresses and suppress their feelings, in consideration of his nervous objection to receive outspoken suggestions however moderate.' The Neapolitan Government has issued new edicts increasing the ecclesiastical power. ' The first, begins by enforcing penalties upon those who omit to execute pious legacies; another'increases the ecclesiastical and official revision over schools. These are nets

to make both Belgian and English Members of Parliament reflect. (Foe the Week ending Jtxhe 27.) If the success of the Oaths Bill in the House of Lords was rendered more probable by the rejection oT two important amendments last week, it has been rendered still more probable by the acceptance of an unimportant amendment this week. In the course of the party attacks upon the measure some Members pointed out, that, as the bill stood, it would be possible to see a • Jew sitting on the Woolsack and disposing of , • church preferments^ and although such a vision could only haunt the brain of a party poet, it does seem to havefastenedupon the minds of some imaginative persons. Accordingly, on the consideration of the bill after the Committee, Mr. Fitzgerald brought forward a series of amendments intended to prevent a Jew from being appointed to the office of Regent or Lord Chancellor in England, Lord Lientenant in Ireland, or Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Established Church in Scotland, and to debar a Jew in any other office from advising the Crown on ecclesiastical subjects. Practically, there was no necessity whatever for such an alteration of the bill, since there is not the slightest likelihood that any gentleman professing the Jewish creed would, be selected for any of the posts named. Literally, however, the bill is rendered more complete by recognizing a necessary disqualification; and the limitation inserted into the bill "may perhaps assist in allaying any apprehensions still lurking among the Peers. Again, the Divorce Bill has passed the House of Lords in a shape which renders its passing in the Commons probable; although it will be there thrown into an assemblage of men prepared to import into the discussion, not solely the pure legal considerations or ecclesiastical considerations, but many sectarian views both in religion and morals. It is not a perfect measure, but it is perhaps as considerable an improvement as the representatives of the country could agree upon. It has been well described as "making that law which was formerly le gelation" —as "a law enabling that to be done judicially which for the last two hundred years, with the full consent of all the Bishops on the bench, has been done legislatively." That relief which is now opening to every subject of the Queen who needs it has hitherto been obtained as " privilegium," purchaseable only by the wealthy. A variety of other subjects have occupied both branches of the Legislature. In the House of Lords, the important step in Lawreform is the introduction of eight bills embodying a consolidation of the Statute-law. We have yet to see the bills in their present shape. In the House of Commons, Mr. Cowper has made ah annual "statement "onEducation ; the statement able, but the interest of it almost superseded by the proceedings in "another place." Mr. Lowe has introduced a bill to bring Joint-Stock Banks under the operation of the Joint-Stock Companies Act. Lord Raynham has askedfor a Select Committee on Workhouses administration; but the House agreed with Ministers that the inquiry would be impracticable this session. The subject of cotton has been formally discussed, in a debate opened by Mr. J. B. Smith, with a resolution recognizing the importance of the subject and the expediency of encouraging cotton, grown in India; a debate destitute of new arguments, arid standing adjourned till next week. Meanwhile, the subject has been actively discussed out of doors; and other countries have put in their claim to "attention," such as Australia and the West Indies. None of the gentlemen who are' calling attention to the matter appear to have hit upon any expedient for overcoming the local difficulties which prevent a sudden development of cotton-growth by any help from home, even through Parliament. By far the greatest activityof the Commons has been in Committee of Supply, where there has been a further reaction against uncontrolled expenditure. Sir Henry Willoughby moved to reduce a vote in order to check the growing outlay upon the Houses of Parliament; but an explanation from the Chief Commissioner of Public Works, that he was " doing all he could to restrain the architect," induced the House to leave the matter in his hands. The inconsiderate character of the Aldershott purchase was exposed by Mr. Caird. The economists refused £50,000 for Pinsbury Park; the vote being resisted by Mr. Williams and other Metropolitan ..Members, as well as by the Opposition. The Education Conference has been duly held, and has passed off without any contre-temps. It began with eclat, under the presidency of Prince Albert; continued its labors in sections, with, much system; got all its reports delivered, concentrated in resolutions, and passed by the assembled Conference at the final meeting on Wednesday; and is to hand over the immediate results of its labours in the form of " papers " to be published by a committee. ( It has thus proved a machine for adding to the literature on the general subject of education and to the array of statistics- To express the character of the meeting in brief, it was attended by those friends of education who may be said to cluster round the Prince Consort, the Educational Committee of the Privy Council, and some other distinguished centres; of persons representing other associations or circles about the country, as earnest in the matter, but inclining more to voluntaryism and sectarian efforts; and of a class combining those who are making an amusement of didactic or scientific subjects, and those who like to go to any place where they can see royalty and " distinction." The array of visitors was upon the whole impressive,

and the Conference is calculated'to render the promotion of education fashionable. It will do so by the collected influence even more than by the new information; and in the book which it will bequeath to the public, the most remarkable contribution will still be the report" of that plain, earnest, masterly speech, with which Prince Albert began. It would appear from the course taken by the French Government after the elections _ were once in full train, that it had not anticipated the degree of opposition which it has encountered. It seems to have calculated that antagonist factions would be without hope, and would leave the whole matter to be arranged by the officials, the army, and a quiescent majority. It was probably in that expectation that a semblance of freedom had been offered to the electors. No sooner, however, did candidates come forward in Republican or Orleanist interests, than local officers used great exertions to obstruct both candidates and electors; and the ; central Government, through .M. Billault, issued a circular directing the Prefects and Mayors to explain how useless it would be to permit the success of men who could but intend to revive questions of Republicanism or Socialism negatived in 1852. The success of the Government appears to have been almost without exception in the provinces. The exceptions in Paris are very serious. Two j candidates have been carried against the Ministry; the success of another is only doubtful; and while the minority of votes almost equals the majority, nearly a third of the constituency has abstained from voting. A letter from a well-informed correspondent explains the process by which, with the show of fairness on the surface, the agents of Government have the power of completely falsifying the vote on the first day. This power is under much greater restraint in Paris than in other places, —one reason, perhaps, is that greater concentration of political feeling in the capital which has led to the difference between Paris and the provinces. The Emperor is still upheld by the acquiescence of the great bulk of the nation; but the action of the minority in Paris and in some of the more active towns has proved that political feeling is not dead though it slumbers.

(Foe the Week ending July 4.)

In this country, immediate exertions have been made to support the Indian authorities with further reinforcements. There had already been preparation for that purpose. The ordinary reliefs in India, somewhat interrupted by the Russian war, would have required the despatch of a rather large force, but the number of men immediately to be sent out is raised to about ten thousand/..a further force of about four thousand will follow as soon as possible; and that reinforcement will constitute a clear augmentation of the Indian army, since the regiments which would otherwise have aright to be relieved will be detained until the present disorder shall have been suppressed.

The Queen has made Manchester the court residence for a few days; giving the Lancashire capital a state visit to the Art Collection, knighting the Mayor, driving in the Peel Park, and otherwise delighting her loyal subjects. Prince Frederick William of Prussia has formed one of the party, and, with the homely tone of Berlin, has confided to Manchester through its loyal address-presenting corporation, that the dearest duty of his life will be to make the 1-rincess Royal happy. Unused to such engaging confidences in the theatre of real life, the Manchester audience could not do less than applaud. Napoleon the Third and his Empress, it is now officially reported, are coming over to visit the Queen at Osborne; and the visit, says the same authority, is purely private. Thus the intimacy between the two great houses is maintained. Many believe that Napoleon cannot stir without a deliberate purpose ; but they somewhat misconceive the actual position of the man, which is changed, as he no longer pays such close attention to business, leaves it frequently for a long time together, and will not be missed more than usual when he is at Osborne instead of at Plombieres.

Yet unless there be a grand change, he will leave France in a condition of considerable uneasiness. Politicians have consoled themselves under present difficulties by a hope of fine crops; but that hope is not unmixed with apprehension that the grape-disease will be renewed this year. Our own city people have been noticing, with obstinate surprise, that a settled gloom continued in the Paris Bourse, notwithstanding a reduction of interest there as well as in our own Bank; a gloom which perhaps proved that the anticipated commercial difficulties have a deeper root than the pressing fluctuations in the money-market. '

The Napoleonic management does not flourish in France at present; and if ,the Emperor could turn his eye towards.England, with our comparatively cheap food, the still increasing trade shown by our export-tables, and the revenue that results in the quarterly return almost in an exact proportion to the cessation of taxes, he might go back to France a wiser and not a sadder man: . ■

It would be unpolite if his hostess and host were to question him about the contract granted to a Marseilles house for carrying over ten thousand Africans from Whydah to Guadeloupe and Martinique, —" free" Africans they are called; but the enterprise looks so like an evasion of the slave-trade treaties, that Queen Victoria might well ask her ally what he means. •

Experience is lost on the Italians. Another of; those fractional attempts has been made, with some concert, at Genoa, Leghorn, and Sapri, on the coast of Salerno. A steamer has l^en seized, and Neapolitan prisoners have been

rescued, —which is so far a good. But the " movement" is resultless. It is like another extract from the Life of Felice Orsini, which we placed before our readers last week —an addition to the list of useless disturbances which confer upon Italian patriotism a character of consistent impracticability. The political discussion of the week has been the debate on Mr. Henry Berkeley's annual motion for leave to bring in a Ballot Bill; and the discussion wa3 kept within narrow bounds. Mr. Berkeley made a capital statement of the case, with some of the newest illustrations. Sir John Shelley and Mr. Greer supported him; £he Chancellor of the Exchequer made a mild display of a few arguments against the measure; and Lord John Russell reproduced some of his old "opinions," as if for the very pleasure of exposing his supporters at the late city election. The majority of the Liberal party gave 189 votes to Mr. Berkeley; some 50 Liberals joined with the Tories to | negative the motion; the Government pro hac | vice acting as a Tory Government, with the ' support of the party on the left hand of the [ Speaker. The House has had some discussionon Art —that opprobrium of the Commons. Mr. Beresford Hope, referring to the plans in Westminister Hall, showed that a freer and broader view of the subject would throw open the whole ground, retain St. James's Park fwithout encroachment, and give a finer architectural future for the capital; and he protested against preoccupying the ground on the scheme of the official " block plan." Sir Benjamin Hall could only plead the modesty of his beginning—with only two public offices—and the stinginess of the House of Commons; on which the House affirmatively cried " Hear!" Almost in the same breath, it accpted the official commonplaces as a sufficient excuse for disregarding Lord Elcho's evidence that the public money had been lavishly and wrongfully wasted in objectionable purchases of the two Paul Veronese pictures. Lord Elcho repeated the evidence which has already appeared in our own'columns, anticipated and confirmed by his personal information in Venice. He stated facts; but the House wanted to finish: it regards pictures as matters of " taste;" it has "confidence in Lord Palmerston," who has just been at the Manchester Exhibition; so it countersigns the bill for payment to Eastlake, Miindler, Italian nobles, agents, and chambermaids, without impolite scrutiny. (Foe the Week ending July 11.) The Peers have again distinguished themselves by rejecting the Oaths Bill on the second reading; thus showing that they stand apart from the general opinion of the country. They are in the exercise of their right to veto any measure proposed by the Ministers of the Crown and the House of Commons, but they might well have questioned the policy of attracting attention to the power they possess of thus thwarting the will of the country and annulling its resolve. • The debate upon the subject was unusually animated and interesting, not exactly on the score of argument, for the arguments are old, but through a certain degree of reality infused into the contest; and the defeat is decidedly accomplished by party. Lord Derby and the Tories have l-esolved to make a stand upon this | point, calculating that they should be assisted by the Bishops, and by some others of the Peers who entertain, strong opinions upon such subjects. The exceptions among those who might usually be considered conservative on religious points are rather remarkable. Lord Lyndhurst has indeed long been known as one of the most liberal men in the country. The Bishop of London, too, has already gained a repute for broad and generous views of religious questions, as bearing upon civil and political affairs. The Earl of Shaftesbury was favourable to the'improvement of the oath, but he avowed the intention of moving in Committee to restore the words "on the true faith of a Christian." The Duke of Norfolk might have been expected, from the antecedents of his party in the House of Commons, to oppose the bill; but he now rose upon the consideration of the oaths and their proper adjustment, and viewed the measure with reference to its main object—the admission of Jews to Parliament. It is one of those cases in which the balance of argument,, and it may he said of oral influence, was in favour of the measure; but the balance of numbers was against it, the opponents having a [clear majority of 34 over the advocates.

The Irish Yiceroyalty has been debated, on a resolution for its abolition proposed by Mr. Roebuck. The institution has long been condemned as fit only to be removed. It is of no particular advantage, the expense which it occasions is profitless ; and there is a general agreement that the office should be discontinued. This year, however, the proposal came before the House of Commons under disadvantageous circumstances. The statement of specific reasons for making a change, and making it now, was less powerful than usual. The Government is disinclined to take up any extensive measures this year; and the proposer of the abolition neglected to suggest a substitute. Mr. Henry Berkeley asked whether, the Government objected to the Suez canal; and why? Lord Palm erston answered in no official tone, by roundly declaring the project to be " among the many bubble schemes that from time to time have been palmed upon gullible capitalists;" he pronounced the plan to be adverse to British interests ; and he advised Mr. Berkeley to have nothing to do with it. /The canal may be practicable or not,; it is 'understood that Mr. de Lesseps has not always enjoyed the favour of his own Imperial master,

but his personal character has stood hi^h, qiu Parliamentary position of Lord Palnierston however, protects him against any action f libel on the part of M. de Lesseps. Or The supplementary elections in France hay? proved more unlucky to the Government thin the General election, presenting a larger pro portion of adverse votes in Paris. Thre" Opposition candidates have been returned-!! Cavaignac, Datmion, and Ollivier. Their suT cess is ascribed in great part to the experience which the electors had derived through the last election; seeing how the Prefect could"influence the result on the first day, the great body of the hostile electors held back, and gave their votes on the second day, thus securing the ma jority. There are now five Opposition candidates sitting in the Corps Legislatif for Paris districts, —the three returned this week and Lasteyrie and Goudchaux. '

The Government confesses by its couduct that it feels the resistance sorely. The AssembUe Nationale has been sentenced by a decree of the Minister to two months' suspend sion, for "calumniating the five millions oih voters "by a contrast between the servility of the rural districts and the independence of the cities ! The JSstafette has had a second warning, because, " by pretending to find the political expression of France in the vote of a few constituencies," that journal has " attacked the constitutional authority of the five millions of votes that form the immense majority." These Ministerial acts not only tell the French that they must not freely use the "freedom " of thepress which is professedly allowed to them • they also avow that the Government winces under the expression of a reviving public opinion. „ The fuller accounts of the insurrectionary attempts.in Italy somewhat alter the aspect of the movement. It becomes in one sense more important, for it appears to have been on a larger design than that of a simple riot here and there; and the insurgents had obtained some considerable material for civil warfare. At Genoa they had arms and ammunition. The party that landed in the Neapolitan dominions appears to have had possession of two steamers, ; —whence taken is uncertain, but they landed one portion of their forces at Ponza aud one at Sapri. They succeeded in breaking a prison and discharging the prisoners. The town of Leghorn was thrown into temporary panic; and at Genoa the insurgents made an attack upon two forts, and created a riot within the town before they were suppressed. It is supposed that the whole movement was to have been effected at these places, and at many others more inland; but the failure is universal. In most places there was no movement. In Leghorn there are evident signs of inefficient preparation on the part of the revolutionists. In Naples the authorities were ready; and although the insurgents attained some success, they appear to have been dispersed if not beaten. In Genoa not only were the authorities completely prepared by previous information, but the inhabitants generally, stood aloof, with a marked expression of dissent; ' and the tone of the Eepresentative Chamber at Turin shows that the Government was supported by the great body of the community in putting down the commotion. The movement could not attain even to a beginning anywhere but upon the sea-coast; and although we are not to assume that " the volcano "in Italy is extinct, it is evident that on this occasion tne instigators of the revolt did not possess sufficient influence or means to create an explosion. They were acting from without, and in great part by alien instruments. The Italian conspirators are mingled with refugees from other states, and with French emigres.^ The undisguised appearance of some of Mazzini's agents, including a young Englishwoman, proves that the scheme originated with the extreme Republican party, which has been reduced to a very small minority in all the Italian states. The attempt to undermine the constitutional Government of Piedmont, not less than the despotic Government of Naples, shows how reckless the fanatics have become, and it has deprived their movement of sympathy as much in Italy as in England.