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FOREIGN NEWS.

France. —The are many predictions that work their own fulfilment. In like manner, to have a strong faith in one's destiny is half the battle of life. Louis Napoleon is reported to have a superstitious notion about his star ; and certainly the events of his extraordinary career are of a nature to strengthen his belief, and to make him do and dare many things which he would not attempt unless supported by so invincible a conviction. It was his belief in his star that guided him to attack the throne of Louis Philippe from the barracks of Strasburg. It was the same idea that impelled him to invade Boulogne with a handful of men and a tame eagle; aud that led him after the events of February, 1846, to step into the arena, and carry off the crown of victory from all competitors. The same conviction has impelled him in his long and arduous struggles with the Legislative Assembly, and has probably caused his last defiance to that body to appear as prudent and wise to himself as it appeared imprudent and unwise to the lookers-on of Europe. But circumstances are rapidly justifying the President in the conviction of his own high fortunes which he has so long felt and acted upon. Events no longer creep in France ; they march—or gallop. The luckless Assembly, with scarcely an honest statesman within its walls, pays the penalty both of its want of principle and of individuality of will ; and the President, with whatever degree of rashness he may seem to proceed, uniformly comes out a conqueror in the strife. His greatest foes serve him even more effectually than his friends ; and every succeeding move in the mighty game narrows the issue, and points him out as the inevitable winner. Nothing, for instance, could have been devised more fortunately for his cause than the inquiry originated by his opponent, M. Baze. That representative of the people, foreseeing that the day was close at hand when the President might attempt to imitate the example of Oliver Cromwell, and of Napoleon, thought it expedient to moot the question of the power of the Assembly to call out an armed force for its protection. It was straightway discovered—what every body knew —that the Assembly had the undoubted right to call out its own army; and it was also discovered—what scarcely anybody knew, not even the President himself—that, although the Assembly could summon an army to protect it against the assaults of foreign or domestic enemies, the power of naming the General remained with the President. The Assembly has thus been egregiously checkmated, and the friends of Louis Napoleon are consequently in high spirits. The President himself has been so elated as to make a speech to the officers of some regiments recently arrived in Paris; in which he has, in terms by no means ambiguous, declared what his own intentions are in case of a final rupture with the Assembly. "If ever," said he, "the day of danger should arrive, I will not do as the Governments which have preceded me have done ; I will not say to you, 'March! and I will follow you,' but I will say to you ' I march! follow me!'" There can be no mistake about such language, and there can be as little mistake that the President will be supported by the army in case of conflict. General Magnan, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army of Paris, anxious to ascertain the sentiments of the Generals under his command on the embarrassing question raised by M. Baze, summoned a meeting at his house, at which most of the Major-Generals were present. They declared, with significant unanimity, that, whatever orders might be issued by the Legislative Assembly, they could not constitutionally obey any which were not issued by or through the Minister of War. Under these circumstances it is scarcely surprising thai the Assembly should awaken to the conviction that it is playing a losing game. Temerity, not timidity, is the policy which events indicate; for Louis Napoleon, however much he might be inclined to act tardily and warily, is compelled to act boldly by the very blunders of his adversaries. The succession of events is now so rapid, that it becomes doubtful whether, after all, the year 1851 will not see the catastrophe which was not expected until 1852.— Illustrated London News. We learn that three ships of the line have started from Toulon to the coast of Morocco to punish the Moors for having plundered a French merchant vessel wrecked on the coast. There are rumours of an insurrection on that coast.

Italy.—Field Marshal Radetzky, in consequence of the refusal of the municipality of Como to celebrate the arrival of the Emperor, has dissoved that body : " Considering the unloyal, hypocritical, and unpardonable conduct of the municipality of Como ; "Considering the frivolous and injurious pretexts alleged by the said council, in order to abstain from offering the homage due to his Majesty ; we have decreed and order; "The municipal council of Como is dissolved. The Vice-Delegate Fontana is charged with the re-election of a new council, to be composed of true and loyal subjects. " Signor Pontana is especially responsible for the execution of the present. (Signed) " Radetzky." Verona, Oct. 9, 1851. This is the consequence of not outwardly manifesting the loyalty which Austria claims as a right, and throws alight on the illuminations and other festivities attendant on his Imperial Majesty's visit to Lombardy.— Morning Chronicle. Count Guerrieri and Baron Lutti, of Verona, have been found guilty of high treason—the former for having received an anonymous letter treating of the plans of the revolutionary party, the latter for having accepted an invitation to the house of Guerrieri, for the purpose of perusing, and afterwards burning, that letter. The sentence of the military court adjudged ten year's imprisonment in a fortress to the Count, and two years to the Baron; but Radetszky, it is said, has seen fit to diminish the period allotted in the sentence by one half in the case of each. Russian Liberty.—Railway Travelling. — The regulations of the police authorities for railway travelling are highly characteristic. Persons wishing to travel by the PetersburghMoscow line, aud to join it at one of the intermediate stations, must produce their papers and police certificate of leave, testifying that there is no obstacle to their travelling. Government officers and persons on business must exhibit the written, permission of their superiors. Travellers from foreign parts must show their legitimation papers to the railway authorities, &c. The name of every traveller by the railway is entered in a book, with observations as to his place and abode, destination, objects of journey, &c. The railway officers who have to inquire into the validity of the papers, &c, are paid by the railway board. Baron Haynau is lying dangerously ill. A consultation of four of the first physicians has been held, and they have pronounced his case by no means satisfactory. The sudden death of his consort has brought on this illness. The Greeks of Greoksoyou, a town on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, have asked permission of the Turkish Government to build a church, which has been refused ; this is not quite according to the Tanzimat, or constitution of equality; but the Turks cannot see without jealousy and anxiety the rapid advances which the Christian populations of the empire are making both in numbers, in riches, and in civilisation.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/LT18520410.2.3

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 66, 10 April 1852, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,245

FOREIGN NEWS. Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 66, 10 April 1852, Page 2

FOREIGN NEWS. Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 66, 10 April 1852, Page 2

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