THE QUESTION OF THE HOUR.

Industrial Unionist, Volume 1, Issue 16, 15 November 1913, Page 4

THE QUESTION OF THE HOUR.

(By J. B. King.)

This is history-making epoch ; the working class is making changes fast and furious.

The capitalist system of production has reached a stage in its development where it can no longer care for society. Historic develop-

ment has made it impossible for the capitalist to employ every member of society; those that cannot be employed are increasing with every improvement in the forces of production. Not only is the unemployed created by the laboursaving machines, the only force that the champions of this system have to contend with, but the entire working class. A huge unemployed army has a deteriorating effect upon those who are employed, and is forcing them to make common cause in their struggle for better conditions.

The conditions that were conducive to contentment have passed away. The question that confronts us to-day is: How are we going to effect the change; what tactics are we going to use ? Some advocate Parliamentary action. They say that if the workers would send classconscious representatives to the legislative halls, they will legislate in the interest of the working class. A moment’s reflection proves the weakness of their argument. We know that laws made by legislative bodes are of no force if they are not made to conform to changes that have preceded them on the industrial field. There is a force in operation to-day that is destined to bring about the change.

The force I refer to is the force derived through being industrially organised; even though the workers are only partially organised industrially, they have accomplished more in the last two years than they have ever got through the trade unions or political action. The first great victory of the Industrial Unionists was won in France in October, 1910, when the railroad workers were forced to strike against the tyrannical conditions forced on them by the Government. The strike was fierce while it lasted (from the Government’s point of view).

The transportation industry was completly disorganised. The great lesson learned from the French strike was that the workers could win a strike without leaving the job. The second demonstration of the power of Industrial Unionism was nearly a year later, when the British transport workers struck for an increase of wages and a reduction of hours. They won an increase of wages and smceeded in reducing their, hours of labour. Following these two big strikes, the miners of Great Britain have declared a national general strike of coal miners. They will certainly win something. The coal miners’ strike will certainly teach the workers the necessity' of an international organisation. The workers are learning that the rapid means of communication and the modern means of transportation, make it easy for the employers to get coal and other supplies from other countries, hence the necessity for an international organisation. Another lesson (we have learned from these industrial upheavals is that the workers do not need a special constructed political party to legislate f orUhem. In fact, during the British transport workers strike the legislators had to apply to the Strike Committee for permission to j move the necessary supplies to keep their horses, which proves that if the workers were scientifically organised so they could control the sale of their labour power, the capitalists’ Parliament would be rendered useless.

The Chicago “ Tribune ” has the following to say re the transport workers’ strike : —“ This is England’s first experience with what French strikers call Syndicalism (Industrial Unionism), and Syndicalism won. It has also imperilled the existence of a strong Ministry, threatened the whole food supply of the nation, placed an almost irresistible weapon in the hands of the working classes, and given them a new sense of their power —it might be said, omnipotence. It indicates that if the working classes really were united against a war, they could bring il to an end in twenty-four hours.” Yes, indeed; we could stop wars; and more, we could remove the cause of wars by slopping robbery. As long as the workers produce a surplus of wealth, the masters of one country will declare war on the masters of another country, to capture their market. The one lesson the workers have learned from the strikes I have mentioned is that the struggle for their emancipation will be fought out on the industrial field.

The politicians of all brands have done their utmost to prevent the workers from organising* industrially, by telling them that they would have to control the army before they could accomplish anything on the industrial held. But the workers have learned that the army and police force count for nothing if the workers were properly organised. Why, if the workers put out the electric lights and cut ok the gas supply in the large industrial centres of Great Britain or any other country, the army and police force would be powerless to cope with the' situation!

Another great argument in favour of Industrial Unionism is that it is international, and permits of the workers acting simultaneous in their struggle against the capitalists, and prevent the workers of one country being pitted against the workers of any other country during tlieir struggle for better conditions. All workers have the same needs, namely, better conditions on the job, and more of the good things of life. Agitate for the 1.W.W., so that the One Big Union will soon become a reality! If our ideal is to ever be accomplished it will only be brought about by the Solidarity of the working class. Get your shoulders to the wheel and we will yet know what it is to be’ free !