ELECTION CAMPAIGN.

Hauraki Plains Gazette, Volume XXXVI, Issue 4887, 7 October 1925, Page 2

ELECTION CAMPAIGN.

OHINEMURI ELECTORATE. REFORM CANDIDATE'S POLICY. Mr A. M. Samuel, the official Reform candidate for the Ohnieinuri eletcorate, opened his political campaign on Monday evening by addressing a well attended meeting at Hikutaia. Mr R. Morrison presided, and in introducing Mr Samuel s.aid that he was a well-known sportsman and a man of political experience, as he had contested the Hutt electorate in 1914 with Mr Wilford, and that was the only occasion on which Mr Wilford had had ,a majority against him in his own home town. He bespoke a fair hearing for the candidate. Mr Samuel, who was received with applause, said that he had been asked by a Largely signed petition to contest the seat. Large meetings had assured him that the party was well thought of, and that he had a good chance of being returned as a member for Ohinemuri. If was true that he resided just outside the electorate, but as the electorate extended from Taupiri to Katikati, and a man could only live in one place in the electorate, lie thought that the exact position where the representative lived did not much matter; but what was of more importance was that the member should move about his district, and that he would promise to do.

Mr Samuel said he was a New Zealander, born in Wellington 49 years ago, and had a fair experience of the world at large. He trusted .that the election would be fought on political lines only, and that his supporters and he would have nothing to reproach themselves with, win or lose. COMMUNIST MENACE.

It would be agreed at the present time, said the candidate, that there were forces at work throughout the world of which every ’ man should take particular notice. These forces were at work to disrupt civilisation, and the present strike was ani instance of their activities. The seamen at present striking were disobeying the orders of their own union, and their leader, Mr Havelock Wilson, stated that he had examined the union books of several thousands of these seamen now on strike on the African coast and there were only twelve of them who were good union men. The records of others were such that if they were known to the South African and Australasian people the latter would have no sympathy whatever with these strikers. Mi’ Wilson further‘said that they had been an uninterrupted source of.grave anxiety to their own union for many years. This wa6 the first serious taste New Zealand had had of the Communists.

Mr Samuel asked every elector to take particular *notice of the action of these irresponsible people. \Tlieir avowed idea was to bring the whole structure of the present day social fabric into a chaotic condition. Whether the strike terminated in the near future or not, every elector should take heed of the lengths to which these people were prepared to go to bring about their own ends. Should the strike continue it would mean an enormous loss ,to the farmel’s, an enormous loss to .the; shopkeepers ; the Government would have a bad time with less customs and less income tax, and it would react bn everybody, from the lowest paid wageearnek to the wealthiest man in the land. He feared that even if the strike was settled at once, our produce would go Hoirfe in such huge quantities that a glut in the market would be occasioned, with its accompanying fall in values. New Zealand would receive £5,000,000 sterling less than she had a right to expect had her produce been marketed at the proper time in the ordinary w’ay. loss of such a sum as, this seemed a matter of joy and congratulation to these people who have occasioned it. It was really only a .choice between two parties, said Mr Samuel, that was, the LabourParty, under Mr Holland, and the other party led by Mr Coates. The Liberal Party might be dismissed from serious politics. It was now a factor consisting of a small group of disgruntled politicians who were without unity and without a policy. They ‘ had disintegrated ever since the death of Mr Seddon, and last session the party was officially buried by its leaders, who, having already forgotten the ideals and traditions of the bld Liberal. Party, now officially buried it and changed its name to the National Party. fable of the ass in the lion’s skin was never more applicable to any name than the one they had adopted. Well, said the speaker, the bld Liberal Party was dead ;■ but its old ideals and thoughts were not dead: they were flourishing in the sympathetic keeping of Mr Coates, In the old days there was little difference in the policy of the two parties, with thtJ exception of the land question. Today there was a great difference between tlie two dominating parties. On one side were the moderate Labourites and all persons who supported stable government, and on .the other side there was the extreme Labour party led by Mr Holland. Electors must make their choice between these two parties., There was no middle course or half-way house. Let every elector remember the heavy responsibility that rested bn him or her. at the present moment. Mr Samuel paid a glowing tribute to the late Mr Masisey, who, he said, was not appreciated by hig own country as he had deserved. He was a man who outside of New Zealand was recognised as pne of the leading statesmen of his day, and within New Zealand even his opponents admitted that he had kept the politics of New Zealand clean for 13 years. Mr Samuel said he would now take one or two planks of the Labour platform, and one of the greatest interest to the Ohinemuri district was that of the “Usehold Policy.” Mr Holland, speaking at Otaliuhu, explanied the Usehold Policy. This policy, Mr Samuel said, was a pet idea of Mr P. Fraser’s,, who, should the Labour Party be successful on the polls,

would probably be the next Minister for Lands. He made the statement to impress upon his‘hearers the seriousness of the position. The Usehpld Policy meant the complete ownership of all lands in New Zealand by the State. The big squatter, the dairy farmer, the householder, and the man with a small section would all be compulsorily brought under the domination of usehold. This- policy was that the State should be the only landowner, .and should purchase all the property in New Zealand at their own figure and when they liked. The method of payment, according to Mr Fraser, would not be in cash, but by Government bonds. These bonds might or might not be interest- bearing, and should be repayable in 20 years’ time. Mr Samuel said he presumed that there would be a fliptclass chance of their being repayable in 20 years with another bond. It would be seen .at once .that this was simply confiscation, and it would be well to take an example or two and see how the matter worked out. Supposing of a working man by the efforts of his wife and family had saved £250 and had decided to purchase a house and property tor £1250, said the speaker. The mortgage would be £lOOO. The man then got a job elsewhere in New Zealand and had to move. There would be only one purchaser—the State. A Labour official would come along and value .the property, and a valuation along such lines at £lOOO would be a very liberal valuation. Bonds would be paid for this amount to the vendor. This would be just enough to pay off the mortgage, and the man would walk away to take up his new position minus the savings- of years, £250, and minus all the care he and his wife and family had lavished on their gardens, hedges, and .the hundred and one things about a house. Did any small man, then, he asked, want a Usehpld Policy ? Let us take a case of a small freehold farmer. Say this man valued his farm at £5OOO. For a deal which the. Usehold called a cash deal £3OOO would be the probable value. The farmer would have no option but to accept it, as there would be no other buyer, and were he foolish enough to sell, he would have to wait for the cash for 20 years, until the bonds matured. - Were he a man up in years or ill in health, and, s,ay, it cost him £l5O a year to live for 20 years, he would'be left destitute, as he would have had to part with his bonds, which were his capital, in order to live. “Now, Mr Samuel asked, “is there any farmer who could favour such a policy.” If so, he would like to hear one. (Applause.) Apart from these disadvantages, said Mr Samuel, he was against the Usehpld policy altogether, as he believed in the Freehold policy, which gave one more interest in one's land, and so induced a man to farm his best. It also gave one a feeling of greater independence, and was a good thing generally for the virility of any nation. He believed in the Freehold policy absolutely. There were also many other objections to the Uschold policy, not the least of which was that the bonds couid never appreciate in value, but that they might very easily depreciate in value. Another plank of the Labour platform, said Mr Samuel, was the socialisation of the whole means of production, distribution, and exchange. The socialistic activity of the State in numerous lines of trading had been proved throughout the world to be extravagant and unsatisfactory. To apply socialistic methods to dairy farming would speedily show the policy in its naked absurdity. He asked his listeners to imagine a dairy farm where labour would have to be paid on award rates —time and a half for working ovei’ eight hours a day, double time for Sundays and holidays, and a half-day once a week. Mr Samuel ventured to suggest that should this be carried out a pound of butter would cost 4s and nobody would be able to buy it. He would not pursue the subject further, but turn to .another cardinal; plank of the Labour policy,—the Capital Levy. At the present time all Church property was exempt from taxation, but under .the Capital Levy scheme substantial amounts would be deducted from all endowments and investments, and the result would be a distinct blow to all religious workers throughout New Zealand. The candidate said that there were three things to judge the government and prosperity of a country oh, and these were its good national debt per head, the taxation per head, and its wealth per head. Mr Samuel quoted figures to show that New Zealand wsa more lightly taxed than four out of the six States in Australia, its wealth per capita was greater, and its national debt per capita was lower. The gibe that the Reform Party legislated in the interests of the wealthy would not be believed by anybody who for a moment looked at the returns from income tax, death duties, and land tax. (Applause.)

Mr Samuel then turned to the Housing and Pensions policy of the present Government. He said that when,, the Workers’ Dwellings Act was, passed by Mr Seddon in 1905 little or nothing was done under .the Liberal administration for the next eix years, the average number of houses they built for workers being 32. During’the •first three years of the Reform administration they increased the average to 140 workers’ dwellings. The Reform Government liberalised a Housing Act in 1920, and made provision for greater housing activities. The high prices prevailing at the time prevented full scope being given to the Act. All the same, a very large number of houses were built, 10,112 being provided in three years, although only 342 were provided under the Housing Act. Of the remainder, 6282 were arranged through the State Advances, 3300 were erected under the Returned Soldiens’ Settlement Act, and 138 were provided by the Railway Department for employees; The candidate pointed out that within a short space of time the present administration had made provision for the erection of some 20,000 houses. He considered, that the Governmeftt had made a mhnful effor,t'to cope with the housing shortage, and it hoped to continue doing the same good work i

— ■ — ■ . . ... Iff and to amplify and expedite furtherbuilding. The Pensions policy of the Reform Government, said the candidate, was one of which he. was very proud. It spoke volumes for. the humanitarian spirit which pervaded Reformers, and to which they had given practical ef» feet in a most striking manner. Showing how these pensions had been liberalised under .the present administration, the old-age pension in 1912 Was £26, but to-day it was £45 10s ; the widow’s pension for a widow with one child under 14 had been increased from £l2 to £52; the allowance for each additional child was increased from’ £6 to £26, and the limits of the pension for, the widow with a large family had been increased from £3O to £3OB. The police pensions, which were introduced by the Reform Government, and pensions for the blind, had also been liberalised for the benefit of the receiver. Miners-’ pensions, . which were introduced in 1915 by the Reform Government, had been increased substantially, but, in the speaker’s opinion, it should be still further increased. The policy of the Government was in that direction. Turing to the matter pi Education, he said that 706 schools had been built in the Dominion by the present Government in three years, and of these 636 were built in the country, which showed the striking development, of education and the way in which .the present Government fostered it.

HIS POLICY. Mr Samuel said that any pledges or promises he made he would keep, and if it could be pointed out to him where he had failed to keep a pledge he would resign his seat and give them an opportunity of electing somebody else who would keep his pledges. (Hear, hear.) He said that he stood for election, firstly, in the interests of fair play to all sections, and, secondly, as a supporter of the Reform Party. ' He believed that there should be an overhaul of the Customs to make the incidence of .taxation fair to all sections, with the idea of as far as possible giving a free breakfast table. Mr Samuel advocated that education should be free from primary schools right .through to the univer-, sity, and give an equal opportunity to any child to culture .and cultivate any brains with which Providence might have blessed it. He believed in a vigorous land policy, and any Act which would bring about settlement would have his strong support. He believed in better medical facilities in the back-blocks, even if it was necessary to subsidise medical people and nurses. He firmly believed in dental clinics at .the primary schools. Many had suffered life-long troubles through neglecting their teeth when young. He further believed in . promotion in the Public Service by merit and merit alone. He favoured agricultural banks and State banks, if the same could be shown to be desirable, and he was very pl.eased that Mr Coates had sent a delegate overseas, to secure the latest information on these matters from America, Denmark, Germany, and Sweden. He thought the Government should take whatever steps were necessary to see that phosphates were available at chaper rates than at present. He believed in the development of New Zealand by a vigorous Public Works policy, and considered that as much money as could be economically borrowed should be obtained. At the same time, he thought that borrowing within Ne.w Zealand could be and should be encouraged, and thus make pur little nation more and more self reliant. In closing, Mr Samuel said that he honestly and sincerely believed in " the present administration as being sound, honest, and capable, and if Mr Coates was returned with a majority he was sure that the country would enter into an* era of prosperity and peace, Mr Coates was a son of the soil, a New Zealander born and bred, who had the interests of his country at heart, and was endeavouring to promote welfare and goodwill between all sectoins of the community and make New Zealand what we all wished it to be, that was, God’s Own Country. The candidate resumed his seat amid lengthy applause. Mr Young proposed a hearty vote of thanks to the candidate for his address, and ,a complete confidence in him as a fi.t and proper person to represent the electors. This was seconded and carried with acclamation. ■A vote of thanks to the chair terminated the meeting.