TO STOP WAR
THE AMERICAN NOTE. BRITAIN IN FAVOUR OF PRINCIPLE. RUGBY, April 14. The newspapers publish to-day the text of the identical Note communicated to the Governments of the Great Powers by the United States on the question of possible international renunciation of war. As already stated, tbc Note is accompanied bv a preliminary draft of the treaty, representing in a general way the form ot the multi-lateral treaty the United States Government is prepared to sign. The Note refers to the correspondence on the proposals with France, whose Government pointed out certain considerations, which, in a multi-la-teral treaty, must lie Itornc Til mind by the Powers which arc members of the League of Nations and parties to the Treaties of Locarno.
The proposal .is well received l:v the P.rcss, and it is recognised that it warrants immediate careful and sympathetic examination. “The Times” says: “Mr Kellogg’s proposal, as now addressed to the five Powers, has taken a much more precise and definite form than had seemed possible at the stage reached in the. discussion with France alone. It is indeed a very remarkable fact that the United States, after long abstention from any general commitments in world politics, now submits for acceptance to the other five Powers a treaty which would bind them to absolute renunciation of war as an instrument of policy in their mutual dealings. If these six Powers alone found it possible to bind themselves solemnly in such an engagement, after the fullest consideration of all that it would imply in the possible vicissitudes of the coming years, it would, of course, mean a tremendous step forward in the pacifica-
‘ion of the world. The United States lias generously assumed a great responsibility in making its offer of a scope so far-reaching that tbc responsibility is shared now by those to whom the offer is formerly made. The Powers upon whom such responsibility doneiuls are invited to commit themselves to a continuous policy of'penrc, definitely to put war out of consideration in their mutual intercourse, on the assumption upon which the United States Government lays great stress —that n host of lesser nations would be eager to follow so notable an ex-
ample. Since 'the question is so clearly put, the response of the Powers must be equal to the occasion. For the British Government the task presents little difficulty. Peace and the prevention of war are for the whole 'British Empire a dominant issue. The chief commitments assumed by the British Government since the war have boon assumed with the object of ensuring peace and of building up alternatives to war a,s an instrument of policy.” Referring to M. Briand’s reference to the bearing on the League and Locarno of the proposed pact “The Times” says: “It cannot be forgotten that both the League and Locarno admit tlio possibility of war ill the last resort, as a means of maintaining peace. In no sense can lliese commitments be regarded as implying that the States undertaking them regard war as a means of furthering their national aims. If that is admitted, they are not incompatible with the areeplane-' of the American proposal, always provided that acceptance, while apparently enlarging the scope, does not actually weaken Hie effect of such serious commitments as these.” “The Times” concludes by welcoming the prospect of’the great power of the United Slates being brought into service in sir li a rame. hit it adds: “The llrilisli conception of a solemn engagemnt permits of no looking back ninl we must know exactly to what we are committed. If, therefore, we ask whether the renunciation of war covers purely defensive onpolice measures, whether it includes or excludes League sanctions, whether the readiness of the United States Government to sign such a treaty commits the American people in the same degree as the other Powers would be committed by the signature of their Governments, it is because wo are sincerely anxious that the enterprise should succeed.”
,- Cl (EAR DEFINITION WANTED. II 0 proposal welcomed With t thankfulness. s s r RUCRY, April L 5. s Ihe “Manchester Guardian” coin's men ting on the United States Note, , also emphasises the need for a eKar t definition of what the pledge is inl tended to imply. “To make the e pledge effective you must have at least b two tilings. You must define what war t is or at any rate differentiate between - tlm kinds of war which you really mean to renounce and those which you do not; and you must establish effective machinery for. the pacific settlement of disputes, without which war would otherwise bo probable or the only alternative. Without those two tilings the pledge becomes no more tlnui a rather empty assertion of peaceable disposition. Tt might have its uses. It would also have its dangers. Nevertheless, that the United States should with little oncouragcment have persisted in this attempt to frame n treaty, open for all the world to sign, for the renunciation of uar is altogether to lie welcomed. It marks a real attempt to collaborate in work which the League, from a differnt angle is trying to do in the cause of j>eaee.” The “Daily Telegraph” after pointing out similar difficulties and drawing attention to Mr Kellogg’s declaration that ho does not consider that the treaty advocated would afford a 1 certain guarantee against all wars, says: “The question now is whether the proposed treaty can bo xo strengthened by textual amendments which the United States Government | can he persuaded to recognise, not only as indispensable from the point of view of other powers, hut as admissible or even valuable from its own.” Other newspapers also direct attention to these points, hut all agree in warmly welcoming the American proposals. The significance of the proposal is fully recognised, and the American Note is regarded ns signalising at the very least the re-entrance of fhe United States into that interna- ( tional arena which she quitted when j she refused association with the T.ea- I
n '(‘ of Xations. Her return is heartilv welciimctl. Tt. is takon s for prnntod that the proposals will be o-n mined and responded to with goodwill, particularly in Britain, where, ns the “Sunday Times” points out, no Government suspected of aggressiveness or a desire for war could last for a week.
The “Sunday Times” adds that examination of the proposals must, however, be thorough, for once given Britain’s word will always he honoured. For this reason it cannot bo given lightly. Discussing some cf the considerations which the Note raises, it examines the questions already put bv the French Foreign Minister, M. Brinnd, aa to whether the new proposals in any way conflict with tho lia- 1
bilities assumed under tbc Covenant of the League of Nations and the Locarno Pact, while • seeking to guard against war, envisage its possibility in certain circumstances. It recalls too that even in America, free from the tangle of European affairs, difficulties must l>e faced, including the apparent limitation now proposed to lie put on the rights of the Legislature to declare war. The “Sunday Times” concludes: “On both sides of the Atlantic, therefore, there is need for deep consideration and ever present sense of realities if substance is to be given to Mr Kellogg’s inspiring conception.” The “Observer” admits the existence of <1 iffioulties, but declares that no dfliculties can diminish the significance of the -forward movement of American policy. ‘’Locarno marked a stage. The very limitation of its aims widened the. scope of its effect. We see I it now ns an indispensable prelude to the renewal of American interest in I Old World affairs. Mr Kellogg’s Note completes the logic of Locarno. The ideals which inspire it are explicit In every word of the two operative clauses of the draft treaty and are explicitly stated in its preamble. The co-operation for which the world lias waited for -so many years is at last forthcoming, and Britain, equipped as she is historically and geographically to further its intentions, welcomes it with thankfulness.”
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Hokitika Guardian, 18 April 1928, Page 4
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1,345TO STOP WAR Hokitika Guardian, 18 April 1928, Page 4
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