PUBLIC OPINION.

Hokitika Guardian, 10 January 1928, Page 3

PUBLIC OPINION.

CONST] T UTI ON A L CHANGES. Ol nil the Second Cham hors the English House ot Lords is to-dny at once the most distinguished in personnel and in Constitutional powers one of the weakest. Yet of all the Constitutions in the world that of England would seem to stand most in need of an effective Second Chamber. The reasons arc not far to seek, and may he summarily stated. In no other country can fundamental changes in the Constitution he so easily effected. In England, a.s is well known, we have no “organic” or “Constitutional” laws, nor does there exist any special machinery for Constitutional revision. Whether it. be proposed to disestablish a Church, to double the electorate, to abolish the House of Lords, or to pass a Town Planning Act, the same machinery is employed. Some of our most important “ Constitutional ” changes have come about without any legislation at all. No legislation for instance, was required to bring into being an Imperial War Cabinet, nor would any have been required had that Cabinet, ns was in fact intended and announced, become a permanent part of the Constitution. This is what the lawyers mean when they speak of the “ flexibility ” of the English Constitution flexibility which depends mainly upon the legal sovereignty ol Parliament—the complete absence of all legal restraints upon the action of the King-in-I’arliament.—Sir John Marriott in the “ Fortnightly Review."

NEW METHODS. The most depressing feature about many of the staple trades is not their actual slackness, but the expectation of a full revival under their old organisation. That would be on a priori grounds an improbability. The world that came to an end in 1914 w ill never crime hack. There has been too much alteration in human minds and habits, in economic facts and possibilities, in political arrangements and mechanical resources, for any system of routine to retain its old adequacy. The working side of life cannot escape similar transformations to those which every other side so abundantly reveals. That is why no real confidence can he attached to any outlook which seems to envisage a returning past instead ol a developing future. Given the best, opportunity that reviving markets can provide no adaption ol old methods, however liberal-minded, can either make, the most of them for industry as a whole, or add contentment to the share which goes to Labour. As long as there is no conception beyond the painful recovery of old standards in real wages and the reduction of industrial friction to a minimum hope can find no firm footing:— Ihe “Observer.”

THE “U.S.”’ To the student of contemporary politics there is no study which surpasses in importance that ol popular government in the United States. It has a supreme theoretical interest. I*or the American Constitution is a masteipiece of political wisdom. Ihe American experiment in democratic government lias succeeded, where most similar European experiments have signally failed. Anr the success is all the more instructive because the American experiment was made undei the most unfavourable circumstances and with apparently the most unpromising human material, the flotsam and jetsam of twenty races. Nor has the study of American institutions a. less urgent practical importance. We cannot afford to ignore the United States. For the economic hegemony of the world has passed Irom the old continent to the new. If America needs Europe, Europe needs America a great deal more, and our ignorance of American conditions has already been attended with disastrous results. | Charles Sarolea in the “English Review”

FOOT SLOGGERS. Mechanisation is something like abracabura. one of the fine words ol to-day. It takes its place with “rationalisation” ami "implementas possibilities and bewilders a timorous intelligence. It lias proceeded so far in tho equipment, organisation, and training of our post-war Army, that certain seers have bailed the doom of tho infantryman, much as F»x bailed the dawn of the French Revolution Yet- tlie infantryman exists, and it is now laid dow n in “Infantry 'I raining. I 1926.” that “ the viHe and bayonet are the principal weapons of the individual infantry soldier, the victory can be completed by means of those weapons onlv.” 11l Other words all the tanks illic l gun-lorries and armoured cars I leave to the infantryman what he has held all through the days of Xapoloen and Marlborough, of Caesar and Alexander and Joshua the honour and the duty of winning a battle and bolding what he has won,—The “Morning I Post:"

ZAGHLUL PASHA. It is impossible for any fair-minded person not to recognise and respect in Saad Zaghlul Pasha the lofty qualities of a patriot. It would be unprofitable now to inquire how far, in common with many politicians who have suffered less for their cause, he was swayed hv motives of personal pique and love of office. Although he himself experienced the shock of a madman’s attempt at assassination, there is no reason to suppose that he connived at such methods himself, or to deny him the title of an honest fighter. Too often the clamour for liberty and independence in the East merely spells a demand for the name of external jnde|>endence spurred on by the anticipation of the enjoyment of the fruits of government by an oligarchy of the higher castes or of the lawyer class.— The “Yorkshire Post.” !

BRITISH FORESTS. After a sleep like unto the slumber of a Rip Van Winkle, broken only by the hurst of activity set up by the cry of “British Oak for British Ships,” immediately after the Napoleone Wars, and the persevering efforts of the devoted few who have done their utmost to keep alive the practice of forestry in the British Islands, the conscience of the nation was at last awakened to the importance of afforestation by the dire necessities of the loin years following the calamity of 1911. It could hardly he otherwise Brilish imports of forest produce, manly timber and wood pulp, had before then mounted to over 45,000,000 tons yearly with a relatively negligible home production, and in the emergency there as none hut the privately owned landed estates to hear the weight of the felling axe, for of the three million acres of woodlands in Great Britain the Stale owned a paltry 2.4 per cent. Willi financial stringency loonmg inevitable, to expect the British landowner to continue to hear the burden of timber production, even on the entirely inadequate scale of past years, would evidently he to expect too much, and the truth of these apprehensions was soon proved—W. L. Taylor in the “Contemporary Review.”

PARTY SPIRITS. The. human race is essentially conservative about its habits of belief. Few would nowadays assert that its beliefs were dictated by “reason’’ (whatever that may mean)), or even largely inlltienced thereby. Human beliefs are host understood as responses of human nature' to the conditions of human life and while the conditons are stable, so are the beliefs. We cannot change them at will, and do not’ want to. Ro there need Ibc no fear that our religions and superstitions, our metaphysics and delusions, could suddenly, he overthrown by anything that could conceivably happen. For even if something so clesfcructive> lmci happened we could not ho forced to believe it. It would always have to he reported and we should always lie at: liberty to disbelieve the report. if it did not suit us. So our beliefs are never merely forced upon us; they are always more or less of our own making, and our choice is usually the decisive lactor in their adoption . This explains how it

is that there are so many questions about which men obstinately refuse to agree. Wherever a question really arouses party spirit, each party becomes more or less Iduid to what is seen by the opposite side. Party spirit creates divergence everywhere: ditlerent versions of the truth and lessons of history, dilferent selections of data, different observations if fact—nay. even differences of perception, for perception is always interpretation of the present in the light ol the past, and to diffllereiit eyes the same situation looks dTlfeient. — I'. (• 8-

Schiller in the “Nineteenth Century and After.” The Samoan Administration comes out of the investigation with flying colours. It must lie admitted that the occurrences at the group six mouths ago did not encourage the expectation that tin - Administration would he so handsomely vindicated as it lias been. It lias been made clear, however, that the case which the agitators set up was founded misrepresentation and supported hv exaggeration and was not entitled to the measure of credence that it received. Unfortunately the whole matter was handled badly iVt that time by the Minister in charge ol External Adairs whose attitude had tiseir the effect of creating an impression that, as we now know, was less than just to the Administration. —“Otago Daily Times.”

The Samoan report will not only strengthen their confidence in the Adinistration among Now Zealandersand we hope Samoans- but it will do much to restore New Zealand's prestige abroad. The official world in Samoa, and its superiors in New Zealand, will feel that they are in a

stronger position to proceed with the work of governing the country in the interests of the natives. Me urge the

Government to repeal as soon as possible—or to announce at once such intention—the law empowering it to banish Europeans There is, however, a

serious obligation on the, part of Euro peans in Samoa. The Comtni ••• ill,it lias investigated their complaints lias found heavily against them. Let them accept the situation with tb ■ best grace, and resolve to co-operate to the utmost of their ability in tho task of governing liis mixed community.— Auckland “Star.”