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AFTER THE WAR.

‘•THE PROBLEM OF EUROPE.”

(By Oswald Mosley M.P.)

•‘A great constructive task now demands that Britain shall take a load in European affairs.” The problem of Europe to-day affects intimately and vitally every home in this country. Our industries crumble to decay and two millions of unemployed throng our streets, because European statesmanship has proved itself incompetent to grapple with the cements of this difficulty, and, indeed, by its glaring blunders lias accentuated the "lunger and postponed the moment of recovery. EUROPE’S MARKETS.

Alter four rears of so-called pciiee. in. tintl the markets of Euros*.-, upon whose recovery our industries do pend, in ft worse condition than the havoc- which war left in its wake. I>e~i#ito the victorious conclusion of the war-to-eiid-wiir, we find the nations ol the world spending over -0 per cent, o th.eir attenuated Incomes on preparations for the next war. V.'e see a Europe poisoned by the animosities ot international indebtedness, prostrated by the unattended collapse of her economic system, and rent by suspicions aim rumours of a speedy recurrence of the horrors of the immediate past in a >*t more terrible form. Statesmanslup stumbles helplessly from crisis to crisis, frenzicdly patches up the rotten fabric of its own illusions, and dismisses as impracticable, and even as unpatriotic, any uggestion for the creation of that mere surely founded moral and economic system which alone can promise durable salvation to our distracted rantineiit. It is tin'll intlffd, ui’f'os.sary to kcuo\ the elements of this problem as it now presents itself. Its origin has joined the problems of history and awaits 11.0 verdict of the electorate. It is useless now to dwell upon the deliberate stimulation of the war spirit after the war was over. It is only “crying over spilt milk” to recall the outpourings of the taxpayers’ money upon the laudable objects of a further smashing-up of lus own business markets and the consequent destruction of his own industries. The nation cannot recall those mistakes —it can only deal with their authors. But a great constructive tr.sk now demands that Britain shall take a lead m European a flail s. The necessity m more urgent than ever before, even in our long history of glorious and successfa! intervention, in those wide interests of humanity in which the late ol each individual nation is inextricably inv< lived. 808 I? GREAT QUESTION*. The problem that presses upon us the position of European and, indeed, o world leadership. is complex. ami thorny, but not insuperable. J -iUe most political problems, it asks I'"' c omnionsoiise and the facing yl realities. Its nature i> four-lnid. K can lie epitomised as the Heparalion-1 n- „ ,-Allied I ndehtedness-bisarniainont-Inteinatiiiiml-Sei-urily-l’roblem. These font- great ipiestinns. which bang as a black chmd of depression over the prosperity of Europe, are so interwoven and inter-dependent that they must - treated and solved as a whole. II the Beparalion problem, which in its present condition creates universal uncertainty and apprehension among the foreion hovers of our goods, is to arrive at a "'practical settlement it must be by means of an arrangement m regard to lnti’i-AHied debts. If the nations ol the world are to (ease s-|Uamier.ng their substance on armaments in excess of these of 11)11. the immediate cause ~f international dispute must Iso removed ami the safety of nations guaranteed in a comprehensive scheme ol mutual defence. It is useless for us i" sit i,i tin- midst of OUI- smouldering ruins. turning appealing eyes to America. That country not unnaturally refuses to remit debts or to advnuco loans whic-fi. in im‘ i>ivst.*nl r if- ( limstam-es. would probably be used lor the erealinii of Iresh weapons ot di.strut tinn. America’s active parm-ipa-tion will ultimately la- ot vital importmice to the salvation of Europe. But. under the present circumstances, it is useless to try to IdufY her into the European madhouse. She replies that she would only waste her time and money, and would risk previous bodily harm, in the imminent conflicts that clisLi(lit the- unhappy mansion. Europeans must first set their own house in order. Tiier, tli.-> can go to America with a concrete business proposition based o:i disarmament, an internaiion- ;,] system ordered and secured, ami a practical scheme of economic regeneration, embracing a reconsideration ol xhe entire problem of International Indebtedness. BRIT UX Sl-1081 1) TAKE T HE I EAR.

Tt; is time that Britain should revive her aiuieiit eusbeu ol taking the lead herself, rather than .hanging nil the words anil actions ol others. She tan obtain a practicable solileinent ol tin' liebt question by a frank recognition ol ilie mistakes of Versailles, with all that lhe admission involves. Nations, like individuals. inil-l pay for their mistakes. We can only procure a staling down of Reparation* to a figure that will promise some compensation for the wanton damage of the war. and yet will restore the stable conditions tonrtueivo to a reconstruction of our foreign tratio, by making generous concfssious to France, in order to secure release from our bond, ol the 1 roaty of Versailles. Any stub c. tieession would almost certainly lo compensated by a corresponding remission which a real F.uropean. settlement would evoke I rnm America, while we should terlaiuly be ret vault'd time and again b.v the great impetus tu our export trade derived from the renewed demand of a Korop'' restored to possible trading conditions. SKTTf THE DEBT QUKSTTf) V. It is really a simple matter of ordinary business; we hold certain bad debts which wo are unlikely to collect—at any rate for some time to come—yet. those paper assets nimbi he used to open up great new fields of business enterprise. L’lidei" such conditions in private life, what business man would hold on to the debts and let the newbusiness escape him. A settlement of the debt question would greatly >u-Pam-e the prospect of disarmament, ior tlie- most immediate cause of international conflict would he removed. Ihe remainder of the task towld then b" completed bv means of Lord Robert Cecil’s scheme, which was almost universallv acclaimed at the recent Assemble of the League of Nations. I nder ibis plan the safety of all nations is mutually guaranteed on the condition that they must first disarm to an agreed level. Such a scheme is consistent with the League of Nations Covenant. whit It unites man-kind for the purpose of defence against aggression, in i out ra-distiiu'tion to the discredited method of the balance of power. In this respect it differs sharply from tin recent idea for a t liilatoral Alliance with France, wlurii would entail a return to the fatal system of 191-1. The re-division of Europe into armed camps of alliances tunned ostensibly for defensive purposes would he ail entire surrender of the now conception ol world affairs which was horn of such agonies, and a betrayal of the exalte.! aspirations to which our generai.ion consecrated its mighty sacrifice. Here, it seems, are the elements et the great problem of Europe am: the road by which we may travel to a destination of world order, security, and peace, which so long has seemed only a mirage to cheat, and delude a weary world, hut even yet is not beyond the range of human achievement.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HOG19230809.2.36

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Hokitika Guardian, 9 August 1923, Page 4

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,208

AFTER THE WAR. Hokitika Guardian, 9 August 1923, Page 4

AFTER THE WAR. Hokitika Guardian, 9 August 1923, Page 4

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