THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT
THE COMMONS DEBATE. LLOYD GEORGE’S SPEECH. AUSTRALIAN AND N.Z. CABLE ASSOCIATION■ LONDON, April 3. Mr Lloyd George, amid prolonged cheering moved, in the House of Commons his Genoa Conference resolution He said the motion gave the House an opportunity of approving of the objects, the purpose, and the delegates of the Genoa Conference or of disapproving. He said that if his lesolu—tion were defeated, it would be equivalent to a vote of no-confidence. The Genoa Conference, he said, was summoned to examine as to a method of restoring order out of a welter, and of recovering prosperity out of desolation. There was an objection to the Cannes Resolution. It was due to certain limitations to the scope of the discussions. He did not. believe that such a conference as that which would meet at Genoa could properly consider | a revision of the existing treaties, even assuming that such was desirable. Continuing his speech, Mr Lloyd George said the trouble in Europe had been attributed largely to the reparations exacted by the treaties of 1919. These treaties, he claimed, did not create th e reparations. The trouble was due not to the fact that they were exacting reparations, but that there ivas something to repair. The Germans’ ultimate capacity to pay must not be judged by their capacity at this moment, when, in common with the rest of Europe, Germany was endeavouring to recover from the waste of war. It was a mistake, because a conference had not achieved everything it was summoned to consider to suppose the conference had failed. If they proceeded, upon the assumption, Europe would never be re stored. If any progress was made at all, the conference was justified. He couldl not understand the Labour Party’s protest against conferences, as they had been brought to life by them. He had been assured the Government was a dying c oalition. Therefore he might have the privilege, as a dying Minister, to give a last word of advice. He did not, know who would succeed them, nor their character, but lie should say their complexion would be piebald, and, judging by the criticisms, he Should say the new Government would be one that had its principles enunciated and propounded by the “Morning Post,” the Labour “Daily Herald,” the “Westminster Gazette,” the ‘“Daily Mail,” and “Comic Cuts.” He warned them not to tie his hands against the Genoa Conference. The trade of Europe was of the greatest importance, as not merely directly, but indirectly, the fact that international trade had bro ken down affected Britain very specially. One of the first things the Genoa Conference would have to consider would be the question of restoring the exchanges. The currency had broken from its moorings, and was drifting helplessly. Therefore one of the first considerations was to induce the nations to balance their budgets. Another important question ' was peace in Russia and peace with Russia. He approached the subject, where perhaps, legitimate prejudices-, clouded peace. Until peace was established, they could not restore trade or employment over the whole of Europe. Europe needed what Russia could supply. She was the largest undeveloped country in the world, and she needed capital, but she would not get it without internal and external peace. Germany could not pay the full demanded reparations until Russia was restored. Russia must recognise that all the conditions imposed and expected of civilised communities was the test of fitness in entering the comity of nations. Was Rifssia, he asked, prepared to accept these conditions? There were indications of a complete change in her attitude. The famine had been a great eye-opener as to her dependability upon het neighbours and as to the futility of the scheme whidh the soviet had propounded. If Russia were willing to accept these conditions then there was a real basis for peace. This would not involve any further recognition of Russia until the House of Commons had approved. There would not be full diplomatic representation to Russia until the Powers were satisfied Russia was endeavouring to carry out her undertakings. An alternative suggestion was that they should do nothing until on P day it would be reported that the Soviet Government ha-d disappeared and that a Government of a totally different character had boon established in Russia. When was that going to happen? The conduct and methods of the Bolsheviks had excited jus*, wrath and anger. Pitt had the same problem to deal with after the French revolution, when the circumstances were not dissimilar to those of to-dav. Pitt decided that peace with the French Revolutionary Government was desirable. We proposed, in going to Genoa to try tbe motives wh«oh bad actuated Pitt. The fact that there were large revolutionary armies in Russia, or the belief that they existed, was an excuse for the armies in other countries. Tt was our business and our duty to see tbe establishment of complete peace throughout Europe, in order to deal with the serious problems of trade nntfr unemployment. The Premier concluded, after speaking 85 minutes. LABOUR’S NO-CONFTDUNOR MOTION. Mr Clynes moved Labour’s amendment. He expressed some sympathy with Mr Lloyd George, who had been trying to persuade the Opposition that Genoa Conference was necessary bift to persuade the serried ranks behind him. Mr Clynes declared that unless* the Genoa, Conference proceeded to. revise many feafupes of th«
Peace Treaty, which Mr Lloyd G e °rg e knew was the cause of all Europe’s troubles, it would fail as completely as the previous oonfierences. The Government was clearly crumbling. Mr Lloyd George wa s attempting to turn a so-called economc conference nto a gateway for a general electon. While Mr Lloyd George might secure a mar jority, he would not secure a spirit of confidence in either House or the country, which realised that British workers, not Germany, are now paying the reparations. He declared that if Germany were compelled to produce at the present rate, it would entail a serious displacement of British Labour, and would eventually give Germany a triumphant position ,in all the world’s markets. If Communism had failed in Russia, had Capitalism succeeded better in Britain? Had it succeeded when Britain had 1,750,000 unemployed living on doles, and 7,000000 of employed living on wages below subsistence level?
Mr Clynes continued that Capitalism had produced slumps and a “C 3” nation. “Our whole policy towards Russia,” lie said, “must be changed. Mr Lloyd George has really ceased to be the Prime Minister and has become a Party Prisoner.” Labour, he said, could not. support this Government, which at home and abroad, had failed to use its enormous majority for the national benefit.
Sir Donald McLean ( Liberal) in the absence of Mr Asquith, owing to illhealth, criticised strongly the Government for seeking to secure a vote of confidence before even going to the Genoa Conference when it had not done so in connection with the 11 previous conferences. The real cause of tbe postponement of the Genoa Oonferece and of the British general election, he said, was Sir George Younger (Unionist Whip). Sir G. Younger entered the House at this point, thus causing the members to be convulsed with laughter. Mr Bonar Law said he thought it difficult, to understand why the Government had brought down such a motion, and it was still more difficult to understand why anyone opposed it. Tlie House had known the Government’s views since the Cannes Conference. Mr Lloyd George probably understood electioneering as well as any-, one in the Rouse. Therefore it was most foolish to suggest ho was going to Genoa to make political capital. It would have been advantageous to postpone this conference if there were any possibility of securing America’s attendance. He thought the ruling out of the reparations question would form a great handicap. Famine-stric-ken Russia could in no wise help Europe’s trade for years, but Lloyd George, believing it possible to do something to hasten Europe’s restoration, had proved his immense courage b v proposing the conference. He was giad Mr Lloyd George had removed all fears that Russia would be recognised without adequate guarantees, or that Quixotic schemes of lending money trf' other nations would be adopted. 1 Lord Robert Cecil said he could not support the Government’s resolution, because the machinery of the League of Nations was not employed, and this conference would not deal with the questions of disarmament and the revision of the treaty.
Mr Stephen Walsh R aid that if the reparations question were not included. the conference would be rendered null and void. Tlie Government was not asking for a. vote to justify its going to Genoa, hut for the continuation of a long firm swindle. (Laughter). Mr Chamberlain wound up the debate, pointing out the Labour Party wanted the conference, but also wanted the reparations upon the agenda. They did not seem to appreciate that if the reparations were included, there would be no conference.
The Government’s resolution was canned by 372 votes to 94.
COST OF THE DELEGATION. LONDON, April 3. Mr Cecil Harmsworth, in the House of Commons, answered a number of questions re the cost of the British delegation at the Genoa Conference. He said the cost would not be heavy, as the delegates were to he the guests of Italy.
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Hokitika Guardian, 5 April 1922, Page 1
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1,551THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT Hokitika Guardian, 5 April 1922, Page 1
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