THE IRISH PROBLEM.

Hokitika Guardian, 21 December 1921, Page 2

THE IRISH PROBLEM.

AUSTIIALI AN ANI> N.Z. CABLE ASSOCIATION. dm VALERA’S ySPEECH. LONDON, December 19. Mr E’amonn de Valera, speaking in the Dail Eireann, on the proposals for a, settlement, emphatically declared that if the Treaty were ratified, there would he a lack of flags in the Dublin streets if the King came over to open the Irish Parliament; but he affirmed that if a proper peace had been made, then the King would have been welcomed in Ireland. Answering some loud cries of dissent, Mr de Valera, declared that “if they could not bring the King of England there as the head of a friendly nation, how, in Heaven’s name, could the King come as the head of an Irish Free State?” This Treaty, said Mr de Valera would lead to a period of international strife. The Irish people could change their minds, if they so desired, but until then, they should do what they said they would do. The new army of Ireland would, under the Treaty, be the King’s army. To this there were cries of “No!” In the course of his speech on the proposed terms in the Dail Eireann, Mr de Valera said that under these terms their Ministers would be “the King’s Ministers.”

Cries of “No!” “Time,” said Mr de Valera, “will tell. I hope, however, that it won’t have the chance, and that you will throw out this treaty. Under it the executive authority of Ireland will be the British Monarch with British authority over our army, which will have to swear allegiance to the English Monarch.”

Tn conclusion Mr de Valera quoted Charles Stewart Parnell’s dictum against any Power attempting to set a. boundary to a nation’s onward march. This was what this treaty entailed.

COLLINS’S CIjAIMS. LONDON, December 20.

Speaking in the Dail Eireann, Mr Michael Collins said that lie would stand up for the signature which he had given, and he would repeat it in the Dail Eireann or anywhere else. (Cheers). “It has been said,” lie continued, “that we plenipotentiaries went down before the first British bluff. Britain has put up a pretty good bluff the last two years. I never broke down Ivefore it.” (Cheers). The acceptance of the invitation to confer was no acceptance of an association within the British Empire. If they had held out for a Republic there would have been no conference. The treaty, he claimed, gave them all the freedom that an v nation could need or desire wherein to develop. They had substituted the common citizajnship with the Dominions for the subjection of Ireland. Were they to continue an impossible fight, and never start on their own feet? The delegation was confident that there would he goodwill towards Ulster, and that eventually Ulster would come under the Irish Parliament. It was unfair, he said, to quote’ the dead ns against the si ;natories. He was convinced that many of them would have realised they had acted in Ireland’s best interests.

FRANCK AND ENGLAND. I.OXDOX. December 19. M. llriand and Mr Lloyd George have opened conversations at Downing Street. It is understood that they discussed generally the economic position in Europe. including that of Russia and the reparations question. Subsequently a number of matters were referred to experts for examination. EUROPEAN PACT HOPED. LONDON, Dec. 19.’ It is believed that the Conference between the French and British Premiers will develop into the most important one since the Versailles Conference, and that it possibly will lead to a European pact similar to that reached at Washington. It is regarded as significant that Herr Rathenau has arrived to-day from Germany in London at Mr Lloyd George’s invitation, and is staying at the same hotel as M. Bviand, being thus ready to fie called when he is wa n ted. The well-informed paper, the “Manchester Guardian” and other newspaper of standing, express the opinion that Air Lloyd George now favours the adoption of a tri-partite agreement under which Britain, France and Germany would each b« guaranteed against aggression from others. COLLINS’ AND GRIFFITHS’ CHALLENGE. LONDON, Dec. 19. A feature of to-day’s debate in Dail Eircann was Air Collins’s and Air Griffiths making a challenge against tlie dictatorship which Mr De Valera is alleged to he claiming. Air De Valera looked a tall, gaunt, unyielding figure, and resembled Savonrola turned politician. De Valera's powerful voice to-dav quickly stirred the passions of the gathering. His whole speech was very different from that he made on Wednesday. There were no Hesitations. He had a hard, almost inhuman ferocity, as lie proceeded from denunciation to denunciation. The effect would have been comic, if the s[K?aker were not so deadly in earnest. Mr Arthur Griffiths did not attempt flights of oratory. Throughout he was plain, but emphatic and dogged. Mr Griffiths’s best point was bis reading of a letter from Mr Lloyd George, tbe date of which was not given. Therein Mr Lloyd George cleared up certain points in tbe treaty.

This letter pointed out that a Gov-ernor-General for Ireland will be appointed by the British Government similar to that of Canada, the Irish Government being consulted, however, in order to ensure an acceptable selection. Regarding Ireland’s liability for the British public debt and paying a share of war pensions, the letter Stated the procedure contemplated was that the British Government should submit its f claims. The Irish Free State would then submit any counter claim whereto it thought that Ireland was entitled. Upon this case arbitrators would decide.

Britain, wrote Mr Lloyd George, desired that Ireland should rank as coequal with other nations in the British Commonwealth, and they would support her claim to a similar place in the League of Nations. The framing of a constitution would be in the hands of the Irish Government. Mr Lloyd George’s letter concluded: “We propose to begin withdrawing otir military forces directly the articles of agreement are ratified.” Michael Collins was a great c-bntrast to Griffiths and De Valera. His gestures and his mercurial changes front sunny smiles to wrath recalled Mr Llovd George as he was twenty years ago. Collins’s confidence and his sheer robustness again and again aroused ringing cheers. The sensation of the meeting, however, was Mr Barton's speech, wherein he revealed, with most dramatic effect, how the Irish delegates faced a dreadful alternative at a fateful midnight session. ~ “The negotiations had broken down, ’ he said. “I broke my oath of allegiance to the Republic, because I believed that it would lie the lesser evil. We tried repeatedly to get the respon-

sibility of deciding peace or war referred to the Dail Eireann. Mr Lloyd George, however, with solemnity, power, and conviction, declared that the signature of every delegate was necessary, or war would follow’ immediately. ‘ He gave us ninety minutes to decide! Gavin Duffy and myself decided for a refusal—war or no war. I preferred war; but I realised that we dare not accept that responsibility on behalf of our nation, without consulting the nation. So I signed; and I am now prepared to stand by that signature.

OPPONENTS OF TREATY. LONDON, Dec. 20. In the Dail Eireann two Sinn Fein Ministers, Mr Austin Stack and Count Plunkett, supported the proposal f the rejection of the Treaty. y, Arshine Childers also opposed th e Treatv He described Clause’ Six as. a most humilating one, in the face of the naval provisions and of the useless talk of Ireland’s national equality and Ability to make treaties. She would, he said he merely an English protectorate under tho Treaty. The Kings representative would be the centre of authority. Tho Ministers of the Provisional Irish Government would he the King’s Ministers.

1)1,: VALERA’S PROPOSALS. LONDON, Dec. 20.

In the Dail Eireann. while Mr O’Higins was speaking, Mr De Valera I>rc> tested against the public ffiseussion or the Sinn. Fein Cabinet secrets. _ _ J[r O’Higgins said: “In this crisis, the nation is entitled to know everything.” (Cheers). Mr De Valera. “I have already asked that mv own proposals be regarded us cv.nfidential, until I bring them for-

ward.” Mr Griffiths: “Ought a matter which we have discussed privately during the last three days he with-held from the people?” Mr O’Higgins: “Dail Eireann ought not to be asked to reject' this Treaty without an assurance that better terms are available. Neither honour, nor principle, demands' the flinging back of the people into war for the difference between this treaty and the fulness of our rights. If the King’s representative acts in Ireland, it will be on the advice of his Irish Ministers.” (Cheers) POWERS NOW .QUESTIONED. LONDON .Dec. 20. A most important question is now being raised here. It is as to whether the Dail Eireann has the power to ratify the agreement, which, it is pointed out. stipulates that the Treaty must he submitted to an Assembly composed of the elected Commoners of the South of Ireland. The Dail Eireann, it is claimed, does not fulfil this requirement because it includes some Northern (Ulsters) Commoners, and it excludes Southern Unionists, who have not sworn allegiance to the Irish Republic. If the Dail Eireann approves of a resolution of ratification, a new properly construed Assembly will be convened. Air de A'alera has decided to introduce his own scheme! for a settlement which further complicates the issue. ORANGE LODGE MANIFESTO LONDON, Dec 19. The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland has issued a manifesto. It states: “If the Irish Free State is formed then the Loyalists yvill be compelled to defend their lives and liberties, and therefore force would lie the only argument. Tlie Lodge say that they aefept His A 1 a jest v’s G overnment. LONDON, Dee 20. The Grand Irish Orange Lodge, in is manifesto says: To Brother Orangemen.—TWs meeting, representative of Orangemen from all parts of Ireland, is of opinion that the so-called Treaty will break up the Empire, and compulsorily deprive many loyal citizens of their position in the Empire.