JAPANESE INTERVENTION.

Hokitika Guardian, 1 August 1918, Page 1

JAPANESE INTERVENTION.

THE NEW EASTERN PROBLEM

GERMANY AND SIBERIA

(By-Arthur Mason.)

London - , May 15 Last night in iho House of Commons Mr Balfour stated at. length the Government’s position in the matter of the intervention of Japan in Siberia. It was a speech of the fast importance, a great piece of Parliamentary oratory, and a much-needed elucidation of the complexities newly arisen in Asiatic Russia. It was listened to with the keenest attention, and it greath - impressed the House, where, as in most other places, a, good deal of mystery lias surrounded the qnestion of Japanese intervention, and a good deal of uneasiness has been felt. Mr Balfour’s detailed and masterly exposition of the difficulties of the subject has cleared the air. Both in and outside the House of Commons it has instructed many people as to the realities of the position, and it has silenced premature argnment against the use of Japanese forces in Siberia most of which had no other basis than that of the usual pacificist method of facing facts by mis-stating them. As yet there is no definite move by Japan. But, Japane; e intervention is so obviously a concern of Australians that even extracts from the Foreign Secretary’s speech will be worth their reading.

Air Balfour spoke in reply to pacificist complaint of the proposal on the now familiar ground that Japan’s

entrance into the matter -would antagonise Russia, and drive her more closely into the grip of Germany. Beginning with a profession of faith in Russia, lie ate up, in one monthful, a previous speaker who had mentioned the Frencli Revolution, and in a long and impressive argument showed the pi'esent helplessness of Russia, the chance it gives Germany’s Eastern < ambitions, and the need it lias created ‘ for strong measures by the Allies. I j “ I do not profess,” lie said, “to have a remedy for the misfortunes < that have occuried- as I think to '■ civilisation itself—from the fact that I the Russian revolution occurred in • the middle of a European war. I, in f

common with every man in this House, I would almost say with every man in the country, welcomed the change from autocracy to what we hoped, and still hope, what we believed, and still believe, is going to be a reign of ordered liberty. . .

“ In France, the French revolution is associated with great military operations. It ended in the production of an army whose high efficiency was the wonder of Europe, and which • overturned all the decrepit monarchies in the Central European States. Contrast that with what has happened in Russia. There is not a single fighting instrument possessed by Russia which the Russian revolutionaries have not absolutely and completely destroyed. The Russian Army no longer exists. The Roumanian army, that most gallant and most unfortunate bod}', which might have and would have co-operated to preserve both Russia and Ronmania from the tyranny of the Central Powers, has been betrayed by Russia itself, oppressed by Russia itself, its position rendered intolerable, its sup-

plies cnfc off, its communications destroyed. . . . Really it is not true to say that the same thing happened in France. The same thing really did not happen in France. 1 do not say you cannot find, in this or that episode, parallels to the French revolution, but the total effect of the revolution was not the disintegration of France, but its integration. The units out of which modern France was constructed were no doubt compacted into a nation under the old monarchy, but the divisions between those units were still obvious, they still remained in the institutions of the country, and it was not until revolution, until the passions excited by the revolution, and the love of unity which the revolution brought forth that France became homogeneous from end to end, and all the old provincial distinctions were swept away. Precisely the opposite has happened in Russia. The revolution conies, and immediately all the old divisions between populations and creeds have suddenly become marked and prominent. . . I do not for a moment think that Germany is going to try to send great organised military forces from Riga to Vladivostock. But does the hon gentleman not see that now that Russia lies absolutely derelict upon the waters, now that it has no power of resistance at all, there can he a German penetration from end to end of Russia, disastrous for Russia itself, and very injurious to the future of the Allies ?”

Frankly, what I most fear for Russia is this: Under the impulse, under the shock, of the great revolutionary cataclysm, all social order has been shaken to its foundation. . .

many disasters have occui’red, and many crimes, I fear, have been committed. It is Germany’s interest, I believe to foster, to continue, and to

promote that condition of disorder. Those who watch Germany’s methods throughout the world know quite well that she always wishes to encourage disorder in every country but her own

If the country is a republican country then she wishes to introduce

absolutism. If it be a country under

absolute Government then she wishes

to encourage rebellion. She counts it lie) 1 gain that other Governments

should be weak. ... 1 believe that she will do her best to continue

these disorders which already have

stained the path of the Russian revo»

Inti on. . . . The result, must be, especially in a country where a spirit of national unity appears, at all events - for the moment, to be singularly weak. ..." that men will at last look round and say to themselves “ This disorder is intolerable; it makes life impossible ; human effort cannot go on: something must be done, good or bad, to put an end to mere chaos.” There will, therefore, be great classes in Russia, some from patriotic motives, some from purely selfish motives, who will welcome anything in the world which gives them the semblance of a. stable, ordered and civilised Government. When that time comes, then I will see that Germany will say—“ Now we will step in. We will by all the open and subterranean methods we have de reloped aud cultivated, now exercise empower in the country; we will reestablish, possibly, in some new form, possibly in ils old form, the autocracy”—which we in this. House hope will have gone for ever; and yon will have, in a Russia shorn of some of | its fairest provinces, set up again an autocracy far worse than the old autocracy because it will loan upon a | foreign Power for its continued exist- | ence. IE that prophecy comes to pass, j and 1 most earnestly hope that in this j I am a false prophet, then indeed all our dreams ot Russian development and Russian liberty will be gone Russia under this government would ! be a mere echo of the Central Powers. 1 It will cease to be a makeshift in any sense to German militarism. It will have lost all that initiative and all

that power for self-development which W'e so earnestly hoped the revolution had given it.”

“ I fear that as this revolution has come in the middle of the war, and come upon a war-weary nation, and as those who are responsible for it unhappily treat it as an article of their creed that an army should hardly exist, and that if it should 3xist should hardly be disciplined—as, infortnnately, the country is in that iondition I am unable to see how, without some external help, Russia is *oing to resist the invasion of the 3erman malady. Therefore, the inestion we must inevitably ask ourselves is, ‘Can any of the Allies give o Russia in her extremity that help md that sympathy of which she so sorely stands in need ? ’

“ 1 agree that there may be circumstances, tlieio may be prejudices, there ina} T be feelings, which render assistance in the East by the only country which can give it in the East a question of difficulty, a question of doubt, a question over which

statesmen will hesitate, a question which must be weighed in every balan o and looked at from every point of view. But tliat the Allies— America, Britain, France, Italy, Japan—should all do what they can at this moment to help her through the great crisis of her destiny appears to me to he beyond doubt, and I reject a priori no solution or no suggestion that seems to offer the slightest hope of our doing any good .... I do not think I need say any more than that. The House would not expect me to talk about the discussions that may go on between the Foreign Offices of the various countries. The broad principles which ought to animate ns in any decision, when any decision is taken, I have laid before the House, I hope, with sufficient force and sufficient candour.

“I do not think I can let this bebate finish without repudiating vehemently the suggestion that Japan is moved by selfish and dis honourable motives. (L,oud cheers). Iti any course which may have been discussed by Japan itself by the mouth of her statesmen, or with her allies, Japan has behaved with perfect loyalty. If Japan gave promises with regard to Russian integrity, she would keep them, as she has kept all the promises she has made to us and her allies. . . . Therefore, I draw no distinction from that point of view between Japan and the other countries who make up the great bod}’- of belligerents upon the Entente side. I hope I have said enough, and not too much, to indicate the general problems as they present themselves to this Government and to our Allied Governments, and to show that we recognise to the full how difficult it is"to help, a nation like Russia, which, partly through its own fault and partly through undeserved misfortunes, is utterly incapable for the moment of helping herself. The House will feel, lam sure, that the decisions which the Allies may have to come to are decisions not without difficulty, but that the principles upon which those decisions are come to are neither ungenerous nor unfair nor hostile to Russia, nor hostile to the Russian revolution, but, on the contrary, that our one object is to see that Russia shall be strong intact, secure, and free. If these

objects can‘be attained, then, indeed, and then only, will the Russian revolution bring forth all the fruits which Russia’s nest friends desire to see.”