IRISH CONVENTION.

Hokitika Guardian, 15 October 1917, Page 4

IRISH CONVENTION.

TTS TASK EXPLAINED

Dublin, July 19

The Irish Convention meets in Dublin to-morrow, and on the eve of its assembling it is perhaps natural to find a slight increase in optimism as to its prospects and possibilities. I .do not know that this optimism is well founded, but everybody hopes that the grave sense of responsibility under which the Convention meets will urge the delegates to strain every effort to avoid the tragic disappointment of a deadlock.

Any decision that involves partition or the exclusion of any part of Ireland is foredoomed to repudiation. It.iis understood that the finding of the Convention will be submitted in some way to the country for its approval. It would be useless to submit any scheme involving partition. The Sinn Feiners stand outside and apart from the Convention. They will throw their weight into the scale if an. attempt is made to impose a scheme that includes partition in any shape or form or in any guise. On the other hand, they could not resist any ample or generous settlement that would appeal to national sentiment. “ COI.ONIAI. lIO.ME RULE.”

Nationalists do not conceal their belief that only one solution will save the situation :/nil Colonial Home Rule, with . full fiscal autonomy. If such a solution were arrived at the country might be consulted—if a referendum is found impracticable, then by a miniature general election in Ireland, Mr Redmond and his followers going to their constituents with the fruit of the constitutional policy, and asking the electorate to take the responsibility of or rejecting it. If, on the other hand, the Convention breaks down, it is expected that Mr Redmond will resign and leave the Nationalists of Ireland free to select their instruments for achieving their objects. In other words, Sinn, Fein will be offered its innings. Nationalists also express the confident belief that the Ulster Unionists will enter the Convention in a temper more promising and less contumacious than their Press would suggest. They point out that Sir Edward Carson’s elevation to War Cabinet rank was immediately lollowed by a visit to Ulster and a private conference with Ulster Unionists. Sir Edward Carson, they argue, is now seized of all the facts ot the international situation. If those facts, as is believed, make an agreed solution of the Irish question an Imperial necessity, it is incumbent on Sir Edward to appeal to his followers for such a solution, and they recall Ulster’s repeated declarations that theie is no sacrifice too great for her to make for tlie sake of the Empire. Those are some ot the favorable portents that .reinforced the argument of Imperial necessity and the duty of saving the constitutional policy in face of the danger of the spread of the physical force and Irish Republican movements. SAFEGUARDING ULSTER. The unfortunate things is that Colonial Home. Rule conveys little to the average Irish elector. It has never been the declared or discussed policy ot any important Irish party, and there is a.suspicion that the iorm of Colonial Home Rule selected may involve a provincial Parliament,' with such large powers that they will amount almost to partition, or will, at lehst. perpetuate some of its worst evils

The Convention’s task in little is to safeguard Ulster without alienating the rest of Ireland, and, in addition, to find such a financial basis as will offer Ireland a prospect ot peace, progress, and prosperity. The curtain rings down to-mor-row after the opening proceedings ot the Convention, and thereafter independent report and comment are to cease. Behind closed doors the Convention will cope witli its responsibilities and its task. In its party aspects the Convention is not as representative as it ought to have been, hut it includes some of the greatest and most respected of living Irishmen. Tt has, subject to subsequent national approval, a free hand. If it fails it cannot completely transfer the Responsibility for its faihne. If it succeeds it ends an age-long j quarrel and opens up a prospect that to these who have been long in the dust and turmoil of Irish politics seems almost too good to be true. The Irish public, such of it as is not hidebound by political prejudices and j antipathies, will salute its assembling with the western peasants’ benison : i “ God bless the work.”