MR ORMOND ON PROVINCIAL ABOLITION.
Mr Ormond, in rising to reply to the toast of " Our Representatives " at the dinner to Sir D. McLean, said he felt some difficulty in replying, but it appeared to be expected that he should on this occasion say something as to the action himself and colleague had taken on the public questions of the day. The one question of paramount importance was that of the desirability or otherwise of provincial abolition, and he felt that on this point he had little to explain. He was returned to the House to support the Colonial party, and by voting for the abolition resolutions he was merely doing what his constituents sent him to do. There had never been any change in his views on this subject. On returning to Napier he was urged by the local press to address his constituents. He took the opportunity of communicating with some of then], who assured him that it was quite unnecessary—they were fully acquainted with his viows. Not only this* but ho represented so wide a district that half-adoien meetings instead of one would have been necessaryj if he had met them face to face. His time, too t had been Very fully taken up with other matters, but nevertheless he would have been perfectly ready to adopt the course recommended if he had thought there was any desire for it. In 1861, when the native question was the question of the day* he held the same views as he did at present. A deliberate attempt was made then by the Provincial party to hand oyer to the Provinces the control of native affairs—an attempt which, i£ successful, ! would have ruined the Colony. When, in
conjunction with Mr M'Lean, he resisted that proposal, he was more than ever convinced of the necessity for a strong central Government. Another point was the wretched conflict which had grown up between the General and some of the Provincial Governments—well illustrated by a remark by Mr Gillies concerning him (Mr 0.) that "no man could serve two masters." This had never been his view and he did not think, the interests of the Province bad suffered through his being in accord with the General Government. The conflicting land laws of the various Provinces was another argument. The land question would be the great question of the future, and the sooner it was satisfactorily settled the- better. Another subject was that of education, and though some of the principal Provinces had established satisfactory systems, the condition of others in this respect was a scandal to the country. He need say nothing of many smaller matters, such as the state of jails, lunatic asylums, &c, which were in the highest degree unsatisfactory. This was a bonowing age, and in the House were a number of stroug provincial parties, headed by their respective Superintendents, striving to get what they could out of the Colony for their own localities. Mr Vogel had said—and it was no exaggeration—that it cost the Colony a million-and-a-half a-year to satisfy the demands of these parties. Mr Reeves had said this was an inopportune time for change. lie (Mr 0.) held a contrary view. There could be no more fitting time than when a grand Colonial policy had been inaugurated. One of the great results of the change would be the creation of a healthy public interest in the affairs of the Colony—to which a deplorable state of indifference at present existed. What were the Provinces created for ? To promote settlement; and they had absolutely ceased to perform their functions. The state of affairs in all the outlying districts of Auckland was eminently unsatisfactory, and there was a strong feeling of discontent; it was the same in Wellington, and even in Hawke's Bay the outlying settlements complained that they had not fair play. In this Province we only paid one shilling in provincial taxation against five elsewhere; and it was owing to the fact that with a large revenue we had simplified our institutions and saved our money. It was a fact of which he was proud that, our public men were unexampled in the small amount they had taken from the public purse. It had been objected that the change should be general, and not confined to one island. He believed it would be general—that next session the South would ask to share in the benefits of abolition. It was asked— What shall we have in place of Provincialism ? At present the Provinces possessed legislative powers, but so little came of them that they might be curtailed with advantage. He was sure ratepayers would never submit to direct taxes to support a Provincial Council, and were this Province divided into say, northern, middle, and southern districts, and managed directly by the rate-payers, its affairs would be managed infinitely better than at present. If there were no Provincial governments, the people would take far more interest in the House of Representatives, which, in that case, he ventured to say, would not remain constituted as at present another instant. He bad noticed that a portion of the press had taken him to task for opposing Mr Sheehan's motion for a remodelling of the representation. He did not suppose the present meeting were so ignorant of the forms of Parliamentary business, under representative government, as to require to be informed that occupying the position he did, when such a motion as this came from a member occupying no recognized position in the House, and the Government declined to accept the proposal, he had no course but to vote against it. It was not that he considered Hawke's Bay had no claim to increased representation, or that he believed a complete readjustment would not be advisable ; for had the proposition come from a quarter where it would have had some weight, he might have given it his attention. Moreover, the proposition would, if carried, have given additional representation to the South, of which he did not approve ; and he had no doubt that the Government, before declining to accept the proposal, had given it full consideration in all ita bearings. There was one more point, of no small importance—the two representatives of Hawke's Bay had been in accord on every question of public importance. The vote of this Province was therefore a power in the Housemore so than the vote of five representatives of divided opinious. It had been said that he had not done all he might have done for one Province. So far as he knew, he had never allowed its interests to be neglected; and he had uniformly acted upon the principle that they would be best served by his acting in accord with the General Government ; aud in carrying it out he had made some sacrifices. After the Ministerial defeat succeeded by the formation of a Government under Mr Waterhouse, he was pressed to accept his old position as Minister of Public Works. He acceded, to assist the Government through the session ; but afterwards resigned on account of provincial considerations, after consulting his colleague, Mr M'Lean—affairs in Hawke's Bay not bearing then so favorable an aspect as at present. In conclusion, he expressed his gratification at forming one of the present meeting, assembled as they were to' do honor to a local mau who had won so high and so well-deserved a position as Sir Donald M'Leau.
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Hawke's Bay Times, Issue 1629, 17 November 1874, Page 430
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1,237MR ORMOND ON PROVINCIAL ABOLITION. Hawke's Bay Times, Issue 1629, 17 November 1874, Page 430
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