ENGLAND AND HER COLONIES.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume IX, Issue 484, 13 June 1867, Page 2

ENGLAND AND HER COLONIES.

(From tlie London lUniew.) There are le v subjects of more importance at the present time than that of the relations between Groat IT bain and her colonies. We are all pr>>ud, ,'iinl we have a right to be proud, of our many ami thriving dependencies. Wo never hear without a thrill of satisfaction any allusion to the empire “on which the sun never sets ; ” ami it is our favourite boast that England is the “ mother of great nations.” Hut we have nevertheless of late begun to perceive that this subject has a !.radical as well as a sentimental side, in spite of our tendency to self-glorifi-cation at the spectacle of our own vastuess, doubts have crept in whether die empire would not be stronger if it vs ere less extended; nor are we by any menus so certain as we used to bo '(but it is either for our own interest jnr that of our colonial progeny that we should keep them permanently in the nursery, and take upon ourselves the perpetual discharge of maternal dm ii s. The colonies have themselves ut-en mainly instrumental in forcing this view of the matter upon us, nor do we blame them for it. As they have grown strong they have insisted mi vflf-guvernmeut, As their interests uave become developed, they have set up a policy of their own, and have insisted on adhering to it, whether we liked it or not. While setting our , remonstrances at defiance, and faxing our trade, they have left only the costly honour of paying for their defence, and the doubtful advantage of bearing the responsibility without the power ot governing them. So long as we are at peace, we might be cout .nt jto let matters take their course rather Shan incur the unpleasantness of a rupiuire with loose who are sail linked to lus by ties of friendship and affection, j But ia the present slate of the world, lit is by no means certain that we shall jalways, or even for any long period, jkeep out of war. Ann, in that event, lit is impossible not to ask ourselves I whether our resources would stand the j leiiormuus strain of defending against lan active enemy all the outlying settlements which would be exposed to attack. It is euuaiiy imp. ssime net to ask whether our colonies would bear with patience and equanimity the inconveniences to which they might be subjected in the course of a conflict waged between England and some (European or American Power, in which jvliey bad not the slightest concern. iNL.r can we help seeing that, io one (quarter at least, the dangers of such a I conflict arise mainly from, our nominal (possession of colonies which are practically iudependeat, from which we v

derive no other advaniage than would equally accrue to us from trading with them as an independent power, eleven as a part of some neighbouring state. Apart, too, from our interest in severing a connection which is as often embarrassing as profitable, there is reason to doubt whether our larger colonies would not be benefited bytaking on themselves the full burthens and performing for themselves all the functions of a complete national life. The general set of p üblic opinion amongst us has certainly of recent years oeeti xavouraom m tue iuea oij encouraging our dependencies— except such as we hold for strategic purposes to look forward to the time when they may become independent; and in that opinion w r e thoroughly concur. It is, in fact, mainly owing to a conviction that this is the natural and true destiny of our colonies that the scheme of a confederation of the British North American provinces has found so much favour in this country. Rightly or wrongly, we see in it an organization which may grow into a state capable of defending itself, and of maintaining its integrity as an American power; and for that reason we listen somewhat impatiently to the objections which the maritime provinces urge against it. How is it possible to regard England and her colonies as partners? They are not embarkedso to speak—in the same business. They form pans of different territorial! systems; the interests of one are not the interests of another; the risks an: unequally divided amongst them; and! the effect of establishing a permanent) mutual assurance society amongst i them most be to confer an immense I advantage upon those most exposed tul, danger at the cost of those least ex-! posed. It is idle to talk of the gene-) ral interests of an abstraction like the! British Empire, when it is evidentj that hardly any conceivable case coiffil occur in which it would be for t!uj advantage of more than cue partner inj the firm to go to war. What, for) instance, c uid the Australians or Newi Eealamit-rs gain by binding themselves to take pan in any quarrel between England and Russia about the Eastern question ? Or any conflict between Canada and. the United States in re ference to the right of whale fishery) ia the St. Lawrence ? We are aware) that they are at present exposed to) the consequence of such events, and' we are only surprised that they slum! b be. content to run the risk. The cob.-; nies are the best judges of what is for; their advantage; but our irue course) is to narrow our responsibilities, audio concentrate oar im-atis of action. J