Spirit of the Press.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume 6, Issue 308, 21 September 1865, Page 1

Spirit of the Press.

THE NATIVE RACE. [Prom the Wanganui Times, September 5.] In many parts of Great Britain the most extravagant ideas have been conceived regarding the Maori race., and their treatment by the Government and people of this colony. •Those ideas invest the Maoris with qualities calculated to elicit sympathy for them as an injured people. There are but few at home who could believe that the Native race have not only been treated justly, kindly and benevolently by the Government and people of this colony, and that this very justice, kindness and benevolence have been a primary cause of most of our difficulties in governing and raising them to that position in the scale of civilization, to which it is not only the desire, but the interests of the colonists to elevate them. Such, however, is the case; and yet however deeply it is to be deplored, the Native race is evidently doomed to disappear before the onward march of civilization, and in their case their extinction will be caused by repeated acts of self-destruction, instigated by & benevolence exercised towards them which they could neither understand nor appreciate There is one trait of peculiarity in the Maori character which should have guided both the Colonial and Home government in their treatment of this people, and a disregard for which has tended, and is still tending, to their total destruction. The Maoris, unlike many other semi-savage races with whom our countrymen have come into contact in various parts of the world, have no idea of benevolence or generosity. With the Maori “ might is right,” and to ensure either bis obedience nr respect, you must convince him that you are uot only morally but physically his master. Every measure that fulls short to this he attributes not to your benevolence —a principle which he cannot understand—but to your fear of his race as the physicallysuperior of the two. Thus it is that General Cameron’s recent expedition in these districts, and the cautious manner in which he avoided attacking their fortified pas, or coming into collision with them under the most provoking circumstances, have led them to look upon the British soldier with contempt, while colonial forces and their native allies are both feared and respected by their opponents. Even a settler must soundly thrash his Maori neighbor, and thus convince him that be; is the better man of the two, before he can live on peaceable terms with him, or prevent him him from unlawfully appropriat ing such portions of his property as he may from time to time take a fancy to. This being the natural disposition of the race, a firm policy was necessary for their preservation. Even the capital punishment of a few of the leading rebels, and the transportation of prisoners captured iu Avar, would have been salutary and benevolent measures as regards the preservation of the whole race. A tem-

/ porising policy drifts us on towards a war of ( ’ races, and fur the result the Home Governw ment, their representatives in this colony, a certain portion of the missionary body, and the Aborigines Protection Society will be mainly responsible. The supposed conversion of the Maori race to Christianity was a grievous delusion, believed in by men who ought to have known better. Christianity is a vital principle based upon the purest benevolence and free unmerited love, a principle which the Maori cannot comprehend. He received our food and clothing, and adopted our religion in outward form, but only to ’ cast it off when given to understand that he had injuries to avenge. Then all the ferocity of his savage nature burst forth, and the most revolting acts of revived cannibalism are being perpetrated by the erstwhile docile Christiana of Bishop Selwyn, Archdeacon Hadfleld, and the Aborigines Protection Society. We write, not tauntingly, but sorrowfully, because without hope of being able to contribute towards arresting the progress of passing events. Every mail brings us accounts of murders perpetrated in cold blood, and with a savage ferocity which must arouse the indignation of the avengers of blood. War thins the ranks of this once noble race, V. whilst intemperance demoralises, and fosters social habits destructive of social and physi-

cal progress. The adoptionof European clothing, and the partial adoption of other habits, with overcrowding in closely confined dwellings, and sudden exposure to cold, give rise to pulmonary complaints which is anothr fruitful cause of their diminution. During the present conflict with the colonists, and consequent exposure to the inclemency of the weather, —the scarcity of food in many localities, and the number of killed and wounded all tend to diminish the race. The causes do not all operate upon the Middle Island, but there the total number is only about two thousand, and under the most favourable circumstances their progress is rather stationary or retrogressive than progressive. If any measures which legislation can effect will at all tend to prolong the existence of the Maori race, they are the measures now being enacted by the parliament of this colony. The policy adopted is based upon the principles of equality and self-help. It declares the Maori a British subject, entitled to all the privileges arising therefrom. It offers to native landowners Crown Grants for the lands which they now hold by mere right of having wrested them from other tribes, and confers upon them political privileges which entitle them to a certain amount of representation in the legislative councils of the colony. It tells them to arise and henceforward depend upon their own resources and energies ; offers an amnesty for past offences, but demands retribution for murders committed It offers, in short, all that humanity and justices could dictate, consistent with the protection of life and property, and the preservation of IaAV and order. Should these offers be rejected, as most likely they will be, under the influence of a destructive and demoralising superstition, then the result will be the gradual but certain self-destruction of the Maori race.

MR FITZGERALD’S NATIVE POLICY. [From the Wanganui Chronicle, September 6.] The new native policy is merely a wretched duplicate of part of the old policy, and is likely to issue as before only in the expression by the natives of a greater feeling of contempt and the manifestation of a fiercer determination to carry on war. It is true that they are in a wretched condition, which counsels peace; but if they have the prospect of a good crop of potatoes this summer, and can obtain a supply of powder and lead, as they will have little difficulty in doing from the friendly natives, they will hold the proclamation of peace to be a very harmless waste of paper and ink. However, Mr FitzGerald has long protested against any violence being offered to the Maoris, held them up as injured innocents, announced that a firm but friendly dealing with them, using kind words instead of bullets, and reason instead of the sword, would infallibly bring them to submit to her Majesty’s sway, and broadly declared that it was the wretchedly unstatesmanlike and impolitic procedure of the Government that had first driven them into rebellion and then kept them in their bellicose attitude. The Maori being a pre-eminently reasonable being must be addressed through his reason; being a chivalric being, must be appealed to through the romantically generous feelings which he cherishes, and being a practical being, must have it demonstrated to him that he would be much better off as a peaceable subject than a rebel. Mr Fitz Gerald has now been placed in the position which enables him to turn theory into practice. He holds out the olive branch, and we shall see whether the fact of its being in his hand, instead of in that of any of his predecessors, is to work the change in the Maori mind which he was so confident of producing. His medicines are contained in three prescriptions—one of them of the nature of an anodyne, and the others we should suppose more irritant than soothing. There is nothing new, and we fear but little salutary in these doses. The first is the electoral franchise conferred on easier terms than those on which the European enjoys it. This privilege is to check the rapidly progressing d* terioration of the Maori race, and to make them all that could be wished for. Its virtue must appear much more potent in Mr Fitz Gerald’s eyes than to any other colonist. We fear the possession of the privilege is more likely

to hasten their deterioration, which alas ! has been greatly accelerated since the present Ministry took office. The evil is that a bitter pill must-be swallowed before they can be allowed tc> take the soothing and exhilarating draught—a pill which Governor Browne, General Pratt, and General Cameron have in vain-tried to force down their throat. Mr Fitz Gerald’s mode is easy—there is the medicine, you musttaceit; if you will not, I will just take it for granted that you have swallowed it, and proeeed accordingly. This pill is the oath nf allegiance. And'the other irritant medicine is the seizure of land when it is found imposiible to seize a criminal who may have been, or may be supposed to have been concealed, ortohave had his escape connived at by the owners of the said land. Now this is a kind of medicine of which the interesting patient has hitherto positively refused to acknowledge the possible existence, and how Mr Fitz Gerald is to induce him, by gentle and peruasive argument, not only to look at it, but also to swallow it, is what people generally are slow of understanding. Admitting that the medicines were of the most unexceptionable kind—warranted on higher authority than that of Mr Fitz Gerald to cure cases of chronic rebellion, yet if the patient absolutely refuses to take them, as he is certain to do, what next ? Then, says the new physician, they must be rammed down his throat by the point of the bayonet. And so the new physician, notwithstanding his great flourish of trumpets announcing his discovery of a panacea for all Maori evils, is found out to be but a quack. His owu colleagues do not believe in him, but his powers of speaking may be of use to them. He came into office about a fortnight ago, and already one of his partners has declared that he has no faith in his medicines.

LOANS— RETRENCHMENT TAXATION. fFrom the New Zealand Advertiser, September 15. J ‘We have burdened posterity enougti —let us tax ourselves.” We are greatly mistaken if this sentiment does not secure a hearty response from every true colonist. The colony is already sufficiently burdened with debt; and if the ordinary and extraordinary expenditure amounts to £1,500,000, or one-third more than the ordinary revenue, there are only three ways in which the deficiency can be met. It must be either by loans, retrenchment, or taxation. The Government have wisely determined not to raise any further loans without the guarantee of the Imperial Parliament, and, consequently, they have only two courses open to them—increase of thrift in laying out revenue, or increase of income to meet the expenditure. Governments seldom adopt the former course, except by “ a pressure from without,” and they as seldom have recourse to the latter if a recourse to loans will tide them over present difficulties. The Ministry, instead of increasing our debts have determined on increasing our taxes ; and this increase in taxation will create that “pressure from without” by means of which only retrenchment by any Government can be permanently secured. A few years ago, the present Colonial Treasurer, together with other members of the General Assembly for the Province of Wellington, was invited to a meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, which held its sittings then, as now, at the offices of Messrs Bethune and Hunter. They were invited thither for the purpose of securing their aid in support of revision of the Tariff on the principle which had been recommended by the Chamber. The Chamber had a great objection to ad valorem duties, to the opening packages, to differential duties, and to low duties being levied on a large number of articles instead of high duties on a few. They showed, as they thought convincingly, that a considerable increase could be made in the duties then levied on such articles of general consumption, as tea and sugar, while other articles, not in such general demand, could be admitted free. Mr Waring Taylor then, as now, one of the members for the city, pointed out that the imposition of ad valorem duties gave to the dishonest merchant undue advantages over the honest trader. The late Mr Bowler showed how the abolition of the differential duty oa tea had rendered inferior teas unsaleable in the London market. Mr 'Hunter took occasion to remark that an in-

crease on the brown sugar would be placing the working man and the squatters on a level, inasmuch as brown sugar was largely consumed at the houses of the one and the station of the other. They all agreed that an increase in the duty on some sis or eight articles of general consumption could be easily effected, provided only the duties were abolished on others not of general consumption. Dr. Feat hers ton, who was present, in spite of what had been advanced by the Chamber, went in strong for ad valorem duties ; and Mr Fitzherhert, who little thought then of being Colonial Treasurer, mildly and modestly put it to the Chamber whether it was wise or prudent iu them to recommend an increase in the duties on any articles whatever, inasmuch, said he, as the Government will be apt to adopt their recommendations with regard to increasing thedutiesoncertainarticles, butat the same time to ignore their recommendations relative to the abolition of the duties upon others. It has struck usthatthehon. member for the Hutt was right; butwedidnotthen anticipate that he would have an opportunity of practically demonstrating, as a member of the General Government, and the Colonial Treasurer thereof, the truth of his remarks. Last year the duties were raised on most of those articles of general consumption which had been recommended by the Chamber for this unpopular and unpalatable process, and now we are coolly told—which is the manner so feverish a proposition should be broached—that an additional revenue from duties on imports will be raised, “ not by an increased rate on articles now dutiable, but by embracing a larger number.” However objectionable this proposition will be to the members of the Wellington Chamber of Commerce, they cannot but admire the easy, bland way in which it has been put before them.

But the views of the Wellington Chamber of Commerce have not alone been cruelly disregarded by the Weld Ministry; they have been wholly set aside by the very Colony they bad taken for their model. The Chamber had become so enraptured with the Customs tariff of Victoria us to urge its adoption verbatim et literatim upon us. While, however, this was being done at Wellington under the leadership of Mr Jonas Woodward, the Victorian Parliament was ruthlessly pulling their model tariff to pieces. It was decided, whether in accordance with economic science or common sense it is not our purpose here to determine, that import duties should be levied on those articles which the Colony could either very well dispense with or produce for itself, and the principle which had been so .much belauded by the Chamber—of imposing heavy duties on a small and specific number of articles of general consumption—was repudiated by the legislature which first brought it into light. Judging from the experience of New Zealand it may be also asserted that one of the strongest reasons urged by the Chamber in support of their views—that the course they recommended would have the effect of greatly diminishing the cost of collection—hasproved, so far as the experiment has been tried, practically fallacious. The substitution of measurement for fixed duties has not diminished the cost of collection, but it has been the means of securing no higher duty on the lady’s silk dress—rather unfortunately referred to by the Colonial Treasurer—than that which is levied on her servant’s cotton gown. We approve of the principle of increasing the revenue, not by an increased rate on articles now dutiable, but by embracing a larger number. We do so because we ought to adopt means to pay our way iustead of getting deeper into debt. We do so because there are articles now admitted free which ought to be taxed, as, for example, saddles and fencing-wire. We do so because it will have the effect, by diminishing the consumption of those imported articles which we ought to raise ourselves, of encouraging domestic industry. And we do so because, while duties on imports are levied, it is better that they should be lightly imposed on a large number of articles than heavily imposed on a few—those few being articles of general consumption. If, by adopting tins course, the Government can bring its expenditure within its income, and restrict the operations of the tax-gatherer within the walls of the Custom-

bouse, it will deserve well of the Colony. We are persuaded, moreover, that the present Government is as much alive to the necessity for retrenchment as for increased taxation, and we do not think that it will impose the one without endeavoring to secure the other.