THE MEETING OF TUESDAY LAST.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume V, Issue 229, 20 February 1865, Page 2

THE MEETING OF TUESDAY LAST.

Having solicited from Mr Carlyon a corrected copy of bis speech at the late meeting, we are now enabled to publish the same. v

Mr. E. A. CARhYON, after expressing, what he felt sure was the concurrent feeling of the meeting as to the lamentable illness which had prevented his Honor the Superintendent from taking the chair on this occasion, and after alluding to the unanimity which evidently prevailed between the Town residentsand country settlers, in regard to the object of the meeting, proceeded to point out that the meeting had no reference whatever to any question of seat of government, hut was called for the sole purpose of considering the/agitation for the dismemberment of the colony. Tor all that he knew Hawke's Bay might he indifferent to the seat of government, but he felt quite sure that she would express herself very strongly upon the present question, which hd would treat—Firstly, as affecting the Colony generally, and Secondly, as specially affecting the interests of this Province. Mr C. then read the first Resolution—" That this meeting views with alarm the exertions that ate being made towards the dismemberment of the Colony of New Zealand”—and explained that it had been framed expressly w.th the view of eliciting public opinion on the subject. The exertions mentioned in the

resolutions referred both to the Auckland and Otago movements, but more particularly to the memorial to the Queen from the Provincial Council of Auckland. After commenting upon the terms of this memorial and the present system of native government, as actually condemning concurrent legislatures, Mr. 0. proceeded to animadvert on the particular epoch selected by Auckland and Otago for their agitation—When the rebel flag of a Maori foe was being flaunted in the face of aU the colonists, hacked as they were by not less than 10,000 British soldiers—when the war-whoop of savages was resounding through the fastnesses of the Northern Island—while overy intelligence from the seat of war only added further accumulations to the sad muster-roll of mortality—was this a befitting time for spouting treason to the constitution which, only some dozen years since, was framed with siich special care for the benefit of both races? Mark the inconsistency, that while the whole artillery of our resources is being exerted to subjugate the rebellious natives to the bonds of allegiance to the Imperial Government, Important sections of the colony should be seeking personal emancipation from the pale of that very constitution which it is costing so much blood and so many millions of money to enforce upon others. Can that system Which is bad for Us be good for the Maoris? Aye, say these memorialists, hut we no longer do seek to impale the Maoris upon the framework of that constitution. We propose remitting them to the cave of the Home Government ! To my mind, gentlemen, this panacea above all others savors of the grossest quackery. I can well understand the enormous tonnage of Holloway’s pills which our affectionate parents appear to consume, because I conceive their palate is influenced by motives of economy. But the economy of swallowing the affiliation of the whole progeny • of the Maori race is by no means so evident. The late proposition of a Provincial Solicitor to send home all the lunatics of this country is nothing to such wholesale affiliation. It is arrant nonsense for this colony to dictate to the Home;Office;the reversal of that determination which has been deliberately sanctioned by 'the English Parliament and by the English press. But even assuming that Auckland could thus get rid of the native incumbrance, what really Is the meaning of this precious memorial? I have arrived at the conclusion that of all colonies in the world, New Zealand must be the most’over-governed. We have had governors-in-chief, lieutenant-governors, commissioners—special, civil, and uncivil—superintendents, inspectors'of everything, from police to babies, legislative and provincial councils, general assemblies, and the general staff of a large empire. The whole archives of ancient and modern history may be ransacked without discovering any office which we have not substantially been favored with. I put it to you, gentlemen, whether Auckland really requires more “concurrent legislatures.” more charters, more general assemblies ?—or whether, considering that amidst all this agitation we find no trace of any intercession for the transgressions of the 3laori, we look in vain for any suggestion for concluding the war—which, by the way, seems to be rather a source of pleasure than a visitation to Auckland. X put it to you, whether this movement has not more the appearance pf selection of this particular opportunity for extorting some compensation for a fancied “grievance”—fnrthe loss, in other words, of what Auckland herself has called the toy of government, like other children whose governor has for some sufficient reason deprived them of their favorite toy, tills Northern. . Association seeks to eke out a potty revenge by smashing up the toys and destroying tae privileges of its neighbors. Mr. Carlyon next proceeded to point out the important subjects of legislation which would be materially affected by such a retrogade policy as he contended was being proposed. He particularly instanced the case of main roads, tram-roads, oleetric telegraphs—the Customs and postal tariffs, joint-stock companies, and the difficulties which the commercial community would Arid in the case of migratory debtors. Above all, he complained that no sort of scheme had been propounded for preventing the heartburnings and discussions which would inevitably arise from the non-settlement of the distribution of the colonial debt, now counted by millions, and the consequent financial discredit which would be entailed upon the colony. Mr. Carlyon next referred to the special manner jn which Hawke's Bay would be affected by the constitution of a Northern colony. It was not simply the integral isolation of the North Island that was sought for, but the separation of the province of Auckland, together with such other portions of the North Island as might he deemed (query—by whom?) expedient. At the very least, Hawke’s Bay might have expected to be consulted upon such terms of separation as these. It was hardly likely that a separate colony Would be chartered in the North without Wellington making a similar claim for -the south part of tho island— in which case Hawke’s Bay would be politically stranded: it would become an absolute cypher as a province. Therefore the inhabitants of the province might well afford to spend a few hours in discussing (if discussion were needed) the resolution which he was about to propose. Mr. C. proceeded as’follows—It is of course possible that future generations may discover sufficient reason for separating the Government of the Northern Island from the South, hut the history of Great Britain and Ireland would seem to be a standing warning against such a policy. AU I can say is ahsit omen. Sufficient for ns is our present visitation. The business of this meeting is to prevent the national parliament of New Zealand from being undermined by the sappings of provincial oligarchies—to protest against the tyranny of any one or two cities over an entire colony to place our veto upon any measure which would cause the whole framework of our hard-won Constitution, political, social, financial, and military, to disappear in a chaos of petty satrapies, tetrarchies, or principalities, animated by no common interests, federated by no communion of sympathies, no longer dependent on the ablest men of the Colony to carry out the public service, no longer amenable to the correction of the public press, no longer subservient to the wholesome weight of public opinion; but each governing or rather governed by its own interests alone, each seeking to extend its ovfn domination by reckless scheming and treacherous intrigues against its less powerful neighbors.