UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 150, 27 November 1863, Page 6 (Supplement)

UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE.

[From The Times]. We are about to send out a new Governor to Victoria, the foremost and wealthiest of the Australian colonies. Sir C. Darling has worked his wav in his profession from small beginnings to this hfrh and important trust. How sanguine are the anticipations formed of his future success may be judged from the dinner given in- his honor a few days ago. He will represent the Queen in the Government of an active and prosperous community growing in wealth, and far. removed from those entanglements and apprehensions which the near neighborhood of the United States has fastened on our American provinces. Soil, climate geographical position, all are unsurpassed in this planet. Yet even this medal has its reverse, and

the folly of man lias done not a little to neutralize the beneficence of nature. The real difficulty of our Colonial Governors in these days is to confront Universal Suffrage, to carry on Gpveanmont in accordance with the traditions and policy of England under institutions borrowed, with some exaggeration, from America. It seems at last to be pretty well admitted by all who are not committed to a point which renders it impossible for them to confess themselves in error that Universal Suffrage in no degree realizes the splendid expectations to which it once gave rise. The French Government justifies its yearly increasing intererenco with the elections from the impossibility of allowing Universal Suffrage to work itself out without guidance or direction. America is weeping in tearsof blood for the incompetency of the Generals and Statesmen with whom this favorite institution has presented her, and seems ready almost without a sigh to exchange the dominion of all for the arbitrary and unbridled supremacy of one. In our own colonies the effects of Universal Suffrage have been to lower the character of public men and to endanger financial stability. Huge debts have been contracted, which hare been squandered in disgraceful and demoralizing jobs, doing little for public interest, but mightily enriching public men. In the colonies, as in America, the wealthy and intelligent classes arc beginning to stand aloof from public affairs, and tbc race of men who were trained up under such institutions- manifest a very marked inferiority to those who had received their training either in the mother country or in days when the colonial lunch iso more closely’ resembled the franchise which still exists in England. Nothing can be better established than the connexion between Universal Suffrage and these social and political phenomena. Wherever Universal Suffrage exists they are found to exist, and in greater, or less intensity very much in proportion to the time during which Universal Suffrage has prevailed. Is this evil beyond the reach of a remedy ; and, if not, what shall that I’emedy be? The usual course has been to leave the patient into whose system this deleterious agent has introduced itself to the vis medicalrix nature. Civil Law,’as in Amriea, Despotism, as in France, are remedies which are likely to supervene sooner or later, and it has been the fashion to consider that to these counteractions Universal Suffrage must of necessity be left. How, it may be asked, prevail upon a people which has once got the power into its hand to surrender any portion of the acquisition ? Kings may be compelled to abdicate, but who, without the terrors of Civil War, can compel a multitude to resign its sceptre, the many to place themselves voluntarily under the control of the few P Something of the kind was attempted in Franco in May, IS6I, but the Devolution of December undid the attempt of May, and Despotism, once firmly established, reclaimed Universal Suffrage as its natural ally. No proposition is better established than that a limited monarchy can only be based on a limited franchise, and that an unlimited franchise (coda as its logical complement to the tyranny of a multitude or of an individual.

It was undoubtedly one of the most important duties of the Colonial ofilce to interpose the power of the Queen between Universal Suffrage and the ends to which it necessarily tends. In the exercise of that duty the Colonial office has wholly failed, and the colonics are abandoned to the unchecked guidance of tin's evil principle. Yet Sir C. Darling st arts under more promising auspices, even with regard to this most difficult subject, than might at first sight appear. The evil has in Victoria, at least, undergone some mitigation. The colonists of Victoria have discovered their error and endeavored to retrieve it. Hard necessity seems to have forced upon them at last the endeavor to do something for themselves which it is becoming very evident nobody else will do forthem. With characteristic boldness, these men, whose life is a constant struggle with nature, are beginning to set themselves to struggle with this evil agency of their own creation. Nothing can bo more interesting than such an endeavour. It has been reserved for the colony of Victoria to take the lead in this matter, and we would direct attention to the struggle which lias just begun in that colony, ns interesting, not only because it involves so nearly the destiuicsof an important dependency, but because, if successful, it will assuredly not lack imitators in other parts of the world. The Ministry of Victoria has set itself resolutely to deal with what are modestly called the evils of Universal Suffrage,—that is, in fact, to restrict Universal Suffrage itself. The people of Victoria seem to have been very reasonably shocked and alarmed by the proceedings at their late general election, by the class of candidates who were returned, some of them railway porters and persons of similar social position, and Ihcir attempt to fasten upon the colony a heavy expenditure by way of wages for their services. The obvious intention of the Bill is to limit as far as possible the franchise to resident payers of rates, and we do not doubt that its provisions will have that effect. A residence of twelve months is required from every elector before he is allowed to exercise the franchise. An elector, not a ratepayer, must furprovido himself with a document called an “ elector’s right.” To obtain this he must apply to a magistrate, answer certain questions, pay one shilling, and sign a certificate himself. This at once strikes off all persons resident for less thaw twelve months in the same district, all persons unwilling or unable to pay one shilling, and all persons unable to write. We cannot tell how it may be in Victoria, but in England those would be very considerable deductions. The voter may be required to write at the polling booth, so that the question of his indentity may bo decided by a comparison of signatures. Whatever be the effect of these clauses, no one can doubt that they arc salutary as far as they go, and that the position of the holders of property will be very much strengthened, and the chances of rash and onesided legislation very much diminished by the exclusion of ignorant, unsettled, improvident voters. Another principle of the Bill is curious, as showing the necessity which is felt of imposing some check on the unlimited license of nomination which is so often abused at our own hustings. No person can become a candidate unless there be deposited a hundred pounds if the election be

or the Upper, and fifty pounds if it be for tlui Lower House of the Legislature. r llie money, is to be applied by the returning officer © expenses of the election, and the surplus, was to be divided among candidates who have polled a certain number of votes. A scheme for the representation of minorities on the wellknown plan of of Mr. Hare originally formed part of the Hill, but has been dropped. This plan is justly described by the Melbourne Argus as, perhaps, the boldest attempt ever made in any country where Manhood Suffrage has been in existence to mitigate the evils of that system. It is a wise and a creditable attempt to undo a mistaken and most pernicious policy, and as such we commend it to the sympathy of this country.

Koc the least curious part of the matter is the means by which this measure has been carried. The result of the late election at Victoria was to return members of a far lower grade than had ever been returned before,—in fact, fairly to alarm tbut part of the community who had anything to lose. They seemed to have determined on a resolute effort to save the country from the impending evil, and to have possessed a small majority. This majority they seem to have increased by buying up one by oue the choicest products of Universal Suffrage, who having come into Parliament with a resolute determination to make something of it, preferred to tell themselves to the opposite party rather than not to be sold at all. Thus was a majority secured, and used, whatever may be thought of the means by which it was obtained to the very great advantage of the colony. The very improvidence and carelessness of selection which are sojustly reproached to Universal Suffrage have in this instance been made the moans of its defeat. The very persons whom it chose as its champions have delivered it over to its enemies. The case shows the inherent weakness of a principle which places itself in the hands of such unworthy defenders, and points out a means by which its excesses may be made to counteract themselves. Neither lesson is likely to be thrown away.