WHAT WILL THEY DO IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY?
[Continued from our lust], I candidly confess my utter want of confidence in Sir George Grey’s capacity for the present emergency. During Ids former administration as well as his present, one, he has proved himself more fitted to govern a Colony in which the Governor rules despotically, or through the medium of sham free institutions, than one in which a really representative assembly and responsible ministry have been established. The success in governing colonies, and especially those wherein the interests of aboriginal races are concerned, on which his reputation has been founded, has always resulted from a quality of diplomatic manoeuvring winch degenerates into an excessive quantity of cunning. Allhough the quantity has not diminished, the quality appears to have deteriorated of late years. Ho can no longer overreach even the Maories. They have beat him at his own tortuous, secret, disingenuous policy ! Little more confidence, in my humble opinion, is to be placed in tiie capacity of the present Aliuisters to overcome the present difficulties. Mr. Dillon Bell, the Native Minister, signed his name to a Proclamation, warning white men not to shoot wild ducks on native land, only a few weeks before the natives in ambush shot a military escort travelling peaceably on the Queen’s highway ! He has since had a share in arming “friendly natives” near Auckland, of whom the British volunteers had so thorough a distrust, that they refused to march in their company ! Alessrs. Hard ell, Header Wood, and Crosbie Ward have shown themselves ready to take office with any Ministry, irrespective of conflicting policies and opposite principles. Mr. M ant ell held an enigmatical situation, the duties of which appeared to he to enact the “mystery man” at Wellington, by keeping back from the public as long as possible all news about native affairs generally, and the complication of our relations with the rebel Maories. He had left one Ministry, and joined another, without any Parliamentary explanation of the reasons for those changes, such as invariably follows similar ones in Lngiand. He lias recently been reported to have resigned the situation, ai d again reported to have changed his mind; and it is quite possible that no explanation will be afforded to the public. Mr. Crosbie Ward abandoned the .Stafford-We’d-Iviehmond party, and gave his support to the Fox-Ifeathurstou party, under whom lie became Postmaster-General when they gained office by a by a majority ol'one! He explained his conduct by saying that, as the power of dealing with the natives wag wholly in Sir George Grey’s hands, his vote need no longer influenced by the difference of opinion on native matters between himself and Air. Fox's party, and he could concenlionsly support them, because he heartily agreed with* them as to the distribution of power between the General and Provincial Governments. But he was no sooner in office than he performed at Hawke’s Bay, the functions of Native Minister, in a matter no less important than the decision, as judge or arbitrator, in several cases off difference between British and Maori subjects, the investigation of which required no less knowledge and experience of native affairs, than the subsequent decisions involved the individual responsibility of a minister; It must be allowed, however that Mr. Ward has since done the Colony good service during his visit to England, both by his endeavours—although as yet unsuccessful—to procure the establishment of a Panama line of steamers, and by his recent letter to the Duke of Newcastle, repelling, on bohalt of the colonists, the unfounded charges of selfish greed and heartless cruelty towards the natives, which have been laid against them by missionary orators and persons in authority at home. Air. Domelt, the Colonial Secretary, is, perhaps, more remarkable for an indolent treatment of public affairs than any person who lias hitherto taken part in those of this Colony. Moreover, his previous service under Sir George Grey as Civil Secretery, when public service consisted of obedience to the Governor’s will, lias probably disposed him rather to follow in the Governors lead, and to hope he can make that course agreeable to the people’s representatives, titan to lead, by personal qualities, or gather the opinions of the latter, and thereupon found nis advice to the Governor.
Personal experience, too, lias proved to be that, in correspondence on comparatively unimportant public matters, the present Government is insincere and given to shuffling. The details arc trivial; but the circumstances have tended slightly to confirm my general opinion, that they caiinot be trusted to guard the Colony against the evils which might, bo inflicted on it by a Governor unsuited by habit-sand disposition for the emergency, anti that they are incapable of framing and carry-
ing out a bold and comprehensive policy, even if it were certain that they had a frank and patriotic Governor to work with.
As I am not in a position so to recommend measures, as that I should be responsible to the public for their success or failure, even if the recommendations should be approved and adopted, I cannot be expected to offer a complete plan for approval and adoption. The general principles,' however, of such a plan as I could myself approve if adopted by others, are embodied in the resolution proposed by me at the public meeting in the Music Hull, on the 10th August, which was carried with great enthusiasm and without any opposition. That resolution was never published at all in Mr. Fitzgerald’s newspaper—the Press; the Canterbury Standard published it, but mixed it up with tlie amendment on Mr. Fitz Gerald’s motion, moved and carried by Mr. Weld; and the Lyttelton Times did not publish it till nine days after the meeting, even then omitting from it some important words. The New Zealand Advertiser, which is the only Wellington newspaper not under the control of Dr. Featherston, on the 27th August, copied the resolution from the Lyttelton Times , with accompanying comments, as follows : “ Mli. WAKEFIELDS’ RESOLUTIONS. "When referring to the meeting held at Christchurch the other week, we stated that certain resolutions, which had been proposed by Mr. Wakefield, were not inserted in any of the Canterbury papers. The omission has now been supplied. The following are the resolutions as published in the Lyttelton Times of the yth instant:— “I.* That this meeting offers its thanks to the members of the Legislative Council and House of Eeprcsi ntatives, now present, for their attendance and explanations ; and expresses its earnest hope that they will, with the least possible delay, unite in promoting measures for the re-establishment and secure maintenance of British authority in those parts of the Nothern Island where it has been defied by rebellious natives ; and also for the occupation and improvement of the extensive tracts of fertile land now lying waste in that part of the Colony ; so that the reclaiming of the wilderness by a sturdy and industrious population, attached to the soil by ownership, and sufficiently concentrated for self-defence, may avert the danger of any future rebellion, and lay the surest foundation as well for the civilization of the native race and its eventual admission to equal rights of citizenship, as for the beneficial and harmonious progress of both races in loyal obedience to humane and considerate laws, to be framed without fear or favor of any race or class. "2. That this meeting expresses its warm admiration and respect for the manner in which Lieutenant-General Cameron has wielded the command of her Majesty’s forces in Mew Zealand during this important crisis of its affairs ; and urges upon the representatives of this Province in the General Assembly the necessity of so faking part in the deliberations of that body as to strengthen the General’s hands, and to facilitate his operations for quelling the native rebellion ; and that a copy of this resolution be transmitted by the Superintendent to General Cameron.’ “It will be recollected that the above resolutions were carried at the meeting, and that copies of them were ordered to General Cameron as well as to his Excellency the Governor. We have not the least doubt that if similar resolutions were proposed here, they would be equally as well received. We have never seen, in so short a space, a policy for the future so wejl defined as in those resolutions, and we trust that means will bo tak on to secure for them the active and visible as they have the silent and hearty support of the settlers of this Province.” It will be seen that the chief objects I thus proposed as aims for the forthcoming General Assembly, were as follows ; Ist. —The absolute extinction of the native rebellion. 2nd.—Measures to prevent its recurrence, and to renew the progress of colonization in the North Island. 3rd.—The means of enabling the Colony to pay towards both those objects, whatever may be fairly required from it, without impairing the prosperity or retarding the progress of the Southern Provinces. As to the first, it may perhaps be a iked, "Is not General Cameron doing all that can be done ?” “ Why not let well alone?” “What more can the Assembly do ?” I reply, that I fully believe the Assembly will, by at any rate a very large majority, if not unanimously, strengthen General Cameron’s hands by its approval and gratitude. He well deserves the thanks of the Colony. He has displayed personal gallantry at one of those critical emergencies, when a commanding officer may be excused for incurring unusual risk of his own life. He has won the hearts of the Colonists by his kind, considerate, and encouraging treatment of the volunteers and militia; by his confiding employment of settlers as guides ; by his adoption, for the regulars as well as the Colonial forces, of those bush-ranging tactics, which were recommended in vaiifby Governor Gore Browne to General Pratt; in all these particulars affording a marked contrast to the behaviour of his predecessors in command. If the Assembly should not thank and support the General, I feel sure that the whole Colony will disown them, and do so itself. But the rebellion is not confined to the Waikato District. While it blazes there, it is smouldering at Hawke’s Bay, at the Fast Cape, at Wellington, Wanganui, and at other places, besides Waikato, near Auckland. Even here it was reported recently, that a native has been trying to buy lead, nominally to put on the roof of his house, but in reality, to send, or sell at a large profit, to his friends in the North. I doubt, even, whether the Maories can be now divided into the two classes, of “ rebellious” and “ friendly.” In my opinion, the only correct division of them into two classes is the following : First, many of the old men, who are timid and conservative in their ideas, chiefly from infirmity. They have, however, —even the chiefs among
them, —lost the influence over numbers of youn!ier men, which they once possess therefore, although perhaps really indisposed towards lawlessness and bloodshed, their peacefulness is of but little importance. Secondly, the young Maories; bold,' aye and even brave in their way ; arrogantly presumptuous on the strength of tiie small modicum of civilization which they have acquired, and on that oftheir emancipation by trade and by missionary progress from the old discipline of their chiefs, without the substitution of any new subordination in its stead. These are eager for some now distinction, —for fame and a name among their fellows, as well as for a novel excitement, —all to be gained by plunder and carnage. I have an utter distrust of the so-called “friendly” natives, oven though their fidelity were guaranteed by Bishop Selwyn, or any other great authority on Maori character. The recent capture of the rebels of military stores placed under the charge of “friendly” natives, strongly confirms that impression. It is hopod that General Cameron, whoso solitary mistake appears to be too great confidence in them, has by this time taken warning, and ceased to trust them. And 1 believe that this description of the Maories applies to them all over the North Island If it be so, the invasion of the Waikato District, and the storming, at long intervals, of a, succession of fortified positions there, will not suffice to extinguish the rebellion. Nothing short, of the arming and training of every white man throughout the North Island, and the recruiting of every procurable "Volunteer from other places, will establish the absolute predominance of British law and authority. Without overwhelming power to do otherwise, no impression will be made upon the natives of our disposition to take pity upon and be merciful to them. A protracted and desultory warfare of retaliation in detail can have no other ending than the extermination of the Maories, together with the postponement of all benefit to the the British colonists.
British dominion once established, and the lands of the rebels confiscated, the greatest humanity towards the conquered would consist in effectual precautions against a repetition of the rebellion. It might then be found advisable to declare that, for the future, no attempt would be made to maintain obedience to British law, except where military settlements should have rendered it maintainable. Settlers armed and instructed in warlike duties, concentrated in communities of men whose ownership of the soil should give them the strongest the best safeguards against rebellious outrage within their frontiers. Outside territory might be called Excepted Districts. The Government might absolutely forbid any white man from dwelling or travelling therein, without a passport or license, be he missionary, trader, or would-be land-monopolist, whether by purchase or hire. The outside natives might be similarly excluded from the advantages of trade and civilization, by .-l owing none to dwell, travel, or own property within the British pale without a Government license. I may mention incidentally that Wi Tako, the leader of the rebellious natives whose head quarters are at Otaki, fifty miles from Wellington, owns valuable freehold* land with beach frontage in the city of Wellington, and receives his rents from loyal British subjects ! On formal submission to British authority, giving up of all arms, and cession to the Crown of their rights to waste lands in any Excepted District, the District and its Maori inhabitants might be admitted within the pale, but only if it could be at once protected from fresh rebellion by military settlements. On any relapse of the natives of such District into rebellion, they might be either put down by the military settlers, or again outlawed.
As to trie really obedient and submissive natives, great care might be taken to reserve lands for their use. and for income, to be applied to beneficial purposes for them, and to provide in everyway—not for isolating them as pensioned pets, nursed by missionaries and magistrates few and far bet ween—but for enabling them to live as civilized, peaceful, and thriving subjects of her Majesty in the midst of the British population. Perhaps, after a long probation, when they had learned the Fnglish language, and to a great degree acquired British habits and character, they might sufficiently gain the confidence of their neighbours to take part in the working of the Government—a distinction which was claimed for them, in a very eloquent oration, by Mr. Fitzgerald, in the last session of the General Assembly ; but which, as they are in no way debarred from it by the constitution, provided they be loyal subjects of her Majesty, it needed no eloquent oration to obtain for them. The great object of the Government should then be, to make the spoiled child—the Maori—feel how unkindly and ungenerously he has been made to behave himself by his injudicious friends or by his self-serving flatterers, whether lay or clerical. But at any rate, there should be no more shams of philanthropy—no more (as Mr. Cracroft Wilson very aptly described it, when he met his constituents in the Town Hall) “feeding the pig that if wallowing in the mud with new milk out of a silver spoon !” {To he Continued],
The troops occupy Meremere to-night. I will give a description of this position in ray next, as time does not permit of a more extended report at present. Meanwhile, I may congratulate the county on the bloodless victory that has been gained. The Maories, by abandoning their position, guns, and cultivations, acknowledged themselves foiled by the generalship of our commandant, who has now the actual command of the Waikato to Ngaruawahia. The natives had almost entirely abandoned Eangiriri when last seen, and as it is not a post to be defended, being greatly exposed from the river, I suppose when next heard of it likewise will fall with : out a blow. I congratulate General Cameron and the country on the result of the expedition.—Correspondent of Southern Cross.
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Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 148, 13 November 1863, Page 6 (Supplement)
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2,808WHAT WILL THEY DO IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY? Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 148, 13 November 1863, Page 6 (Supplement)
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