Hawke's Bay Times. NAPIER, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1863. WHAT WILL THEY DO) IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 146, 30 October 1863, Page 2

Hawke's Bay Times. NAPIER, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1863. WHAT WILL THEY DO) IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

Tuk most masterly production in relation to the affairs of New Zealand ami the present state of those affairs, that we ever road or ever heard of, is a pamphlet just issued by Mr. E, J. Wakefield. Here, in this concise and able synopsis of the political history o* New Zealand, we discover the concentrated abilities of generations of able men-—the whole family of Wakefield, and a truthful and most exact relation of all the circumstances which have led to, and culminated in, the present lamentable war. That Sir George Grey's Speech to th e General Assembly is a speech which gives “ very general satisfaction," we do not for a moment doubt, but. that that speech has been wrung from that reluctant potentate solely by the force of circumstances and sorely against Ids will, as is hut too palpably evidenced by the notorious weakness and folly of his antecedent proceedings in relation to the government of New Zealand. Had not Sir George Grey allowed himself to he made a toed by the, Missionary party, twelve or fourteen years ago, the Home Government would then have given him aid enough to have struck such terror into the native mind, that a repetition of those monstrous and iniquitous hostilities, which at that, time threatened to overwhelm the Colony, would never have been heard of. It is hardly possible to conceive that the speaker of that speed) to the General Assembly the other day is the same speaker who a few short months back made a speech to the very same representatives, of as different a color, complexion, and hue, as black is different to white. It is beyond the comprehension of most men how these things cun be.

We shall at present content ourselves with referring our readers to the republication of Ur. Wakefield's masterly work, which will he found below, and to which we cannot add one hair's breadth, for it is so evidently the very essence of our own views, so completely the reflection or very image of our own opinions as regards the past, the present and the future of New Zealand, and the principal actors in that drama, and which views we have for so long strenuously maintained against great, odds, that any further comment upon it would he as supererogatory as superfluous. It is, therefore, only necessary for ns to introduce the pamphlet to which we refer by quoting Sir. Wakefield's own

words in reference thereto, ia which h e gives the reasons why he has thought it clesirahle to favor this generation with th is masterly effort of his masterly .talents. Merely premising that hut for the accident of a public meeting having been called at Christchurch by Mr. Cracrott Wilson, for the purpose of signing an address to the Governor, urging an ini. mediate convocation of the General Assembly to discuss the altered relations between the Colony and the Mother Country, we should never have been enlightened by this able production from the pen of Mr. Wakefield.

I attended and foolc part in the proceedings ; proposing a resolution which was carried without any opposition whatever, although the late hour (nearly 11 o clock) to which the opportunity for it was necessarily t clayed, precluded me from doing any more than desultorily stating a few of the reasons inducing me to “bring it forward. The meeting had been assembled at G o'clock; the proceedings actually began at half-past G ; ami the audience was evidently so wearied by four hours and a half of unremitting attention to the one subject, that I felt bound to cut shorCrhe observations wlnch 1 had intended for its consideration, and stated my intention of taking another opportunity of laying them before the public. I adopt the present means of doing so. X trust 1 shall not be charged with vain egotism if 1 explain, for the sake of those who nmv not be acquainted with the part which I have hitherto taken in public affairs in this Colony, why I venture to lay my opinions before the public. 1 am an elector of several of the districts in this I rovmce, and also oi several in rue of Wellington. 1 was one of the two representatives of the Christchurch Country District in the first General Assembly .of New Zealand, ni the vear ISoi. It is now twenty-four years since I first landed in New Zealand and became a colonist; and although six years of that time were spent in a visit to England, and in exertions towards obtaining the constitution, and towards promoting the inundation ol this settlement and that of Otago, I can yet claim the intimate acquaintance of an early colonist with the history of this Colony from its foundation, and especially with that of the North Island and of native questions, ami with that o( Sir George Grey s lonner administration of the Government of this Colony. 1 have not the slightest hesitation in declaring my opinion, that Sir George Grey himself was the principal of the difficulties in dealing with the Maovies, under which the. (Alon-v is now suffering. During his former administration, beginning in ISIG, and ending i M i;ss3, he could do just what he liked. There was no General Assembly. The colonists had no representatives to express their opinions as to the laws hv which they should be governed, the means bv which they should be taxed, or the manner in which the revenues raised by their taxation should be spent. The Governor had only to select officers, who were to he nominally his advisers but really his very obedient servants. It is a curious fact, that two of the gentlemen who were thou his very obedient servants, are now his advisers under “a Parliamentary Constitution : and are supposed not only to he responsible to the General Assembly ot the Colony lor the advice which they mav tender to His Excellency, but also to enjoy the confidence ol that popular body. I mean, of course, Mr. Domett, the Colonial Secretary, and Mr. Dillon Hell, the Native Minister.

Tlic general character of Sir George Grey's former administration was that of tampering with tiio native difficulties; of staving oil’, by anv -means, the time when collision between the race's might occur ; of omitting to enforce any decisive policy one way or the other; in short,* of doing anything, rather than offend either the Colonial Office, by calling for any large naval and military expenditure, or the Missionary party in England by doing anything with relation to the natives, which might be even misrepresented as cruelty from the platform of Exeter Hall. In order to prevent Dio natives from becoming interested in refusing to sell land to the Government for the purposes of colonisation, it had been found necessary to enact laws which forbade Her Majesty’s subjects from becoming holders of land under native landlords. But under Sir George Grey’s former administration, the renting of large tracts of land from native landlords, to bo occupied by a very few individuals as sheep and cattle runs, was connived at and allowed, although not actually legalized, by him. This took place at that time more especially in the plain of the Wairarapa, about forty miles from Wellington. William King was one of the natives who had been driven by the Waikato war-parties from Taranaki, and v ho was residing at Waikanae, forty miles Irom Wellington. When the occupation of Taranaki by Europeans had made sue'' a proceeding present a greater appearance of safety, William Iving declared his intention of returning, with his followers, to the land from which he had been driven by conquerors, but which had now acquired a new value, as well from the security as from the usefulness conferred upon it by the neighborhood oi a thriving English settlement. Sir George Grey forbade William King to return to Taranaki. The Maori estimated His Excellency’s temporising policy at its true worth, and [ took his following to Taranaki—to the Waitara—notwithstanding the prohibition. One of the last acts of Sir George Grey’s former administration ten years ago, was an attempt to ride from New Plymouth to the Waitara, possibly with the intention of remonstrating with the Maori chief as to his disobedience. But the much-vaunted personal influence of Sir George Grey with the Maories was then already at an end. A party of armed natives met him on the way and advised him to turn back. He took their advice, and bequeathed to the Colony of New Zealand the Waitara question, on which the present native rebellion lias been founded. He left his successors to struggle against the spirit of insubordination which his unwillingness to bs firm had excited ;

and when ho returned, sip-lit years afterwa'-Ja, confident of his own personal ability to set eve»* thing right, lie found the Mnories better hands than himself at the paltry cunning by which ho hoped to outwit them, and, moreover, verv confident of their own superiority in physical force, even if he should cease to negociato m the dark aim aciupt straightforward measures. I must now notice another powerful cause of the native difficulties. In 1838, when the projectors ot the foundation of this Colony (of whom I need hardly say that my father, Edward Gibbon V\ akcfield, was the leader) were seeking in England for every available assistance towards their noble aim, they naturally endeavored to obtain the cooperation of the Church Missionary Society, that body had, by means of its missionaries, who wore established in various times, since 1814 acquired not only a great knowledge of the character and disposition of a large number of the Maories, but a considerable influence over their inclinations towards anything new to their childish numtai capacities. The projectors of the Colonv themselves quite as eager to benefit the Maori race as any of the most enthusiastic missionaries hoping and believing that the presence, on tie spot, of a civilized and Christian communitv, bringing with it all the material benefits as the moral example ,ofa great nation—which the individual missionaries could hardly claim to represent so well as a branch of the nation itself—would confer the greatest possible benefits on a race of savages, applied to the directors of the Church Missionary Society for their aid and advice. The result ot long and patient negotiations unfortunately was, that the late Mr. Dandeson Coates, then Secretary of the Society, camlidlv declared to the would-be colonizers of New Zealand, that ho would “thwart thorn bv every means in his power.”

I cannot help believing that this determination, on the part of the very influential body of people in England whom Mr. Coates represented, was conscientious, and sprang from what they believed to be right motives. lam well aware that the late Sir I. howell Buxton, one of the most honest and benevolent leaders among Church Missionary people, when applied to, in 183 G, for his cooperation in lounding the now flourishing colony of Souiii Australia, expressed his deliberate opinion that all colonization was unavoidably productive of great evils to the aboriginal inhabitants of the countries colonized, and declared that ho must therefore warn (he projectors of the colony to consider him as an opponent in Parliament and elsewhere.

Unit unhappy declaration of war on the part of (he missionary body has been carried out, over since, as resolutely, (hough not always as openly, ‘rr " :ls tnen mode. The first Governor of Xew /.ealaiul, C nplain Hobson, fell entirely into tho hands ol tin* Lhnrch Missionarv Society here. Curing his term ol ofhoo, (he Colony was really governed by a Mr. Clarke, who was called “ i'ro't color of Aborigines,” and other such lay servants of the Church mission. So much so, that when in IS 1-1, my uncle, Colonel William Wakefield’ Hi 3 principal agent of the kew Zealand Company, proposed to establish the pioneers of-flic Nelson’ settlement on tno Canterbury plains, Governor Hobson positively forbade (he proceeding. Ho was, no doubt, advised (hat the progress of a flourishing Colony in the South, would counteract the weight given to the missionary influence by tho establishment of Auckland as the capital and scat ot Government in the native population, where tho missionaries were all-powerful. Governor Eitzßoy, under the same iuiluencc, shook hands with the Maories, and forgave them for tho massacre of Wairau.

Then came a lime when the Colonists and their friends in England exerted themselves strongly to overcome this opposition on the part of the missionaries; which, while only hindering the inevitable march of English colonization, was really planting the seeds oi collision between the two races, and placing fatal obstacles in the way of permanent, good of the Maories. A debate on A’ew Zealand affairs, in IS 15, occupied three whole nights of the deliberations of the House of Commons. Sir Robert Peel was driven, on that question, to (he narrowest majority, in a very full house, which he had ever yet experienced while in power. Captain Fitzßoy was re-called. Sir George Grey, troops, and mcn-of-war were sent to jNew Zealand. Colonization, which had nearly died out under the blight of the Church Missionary Society’s efforts, revived with now vi"-or. Otago and Canterbury were founded. A free constitution for the Colony was agitated for ; and, after long and energetic endeavors both in England and here, eventually obtained. It appeared as though the original design of the founders of the Colony to secure the greatest possible amount of good to the natives by the establishment of the largest possible amount of civilized English population amongst them, was about to be accomplished. Rut the spirit of Mr. Handcson Coates had not fainted, it was stealthily at work all this time. Rishop Selwyn, who was really placed in his influential position by the founders of the Colony, had at first attempted to. carry it with a high* hand over the principal agents of the Church Missionary Society here. Rut lie soon became a worker on their side, and against the Colonists. In his own words, “God being his helper,” he raised effectual opposition to Sir George Grey so long as his Excellency was working in the interests of tiie Colonists (and therefore, as I venture to hold, in that of the natives too) ; and gradually yielded to the influence of the Church Missionary Party, until he made in's celebrated declaration that the Colon” had been founded for the benefit of the native race, —almost implying, by the contest of this document, that tho interests “of (lie English Colonists must give way, if they should conflict and have to be put into the scale of justice. Before he left the Government of A T ew Zealand in 1853, Sir George Grey seems almost to have yielded to the secret, but persevering influence of the Church Missionary body. When he had before him the proud task of inaugurating our constitution, he shrank from meeting the representatives of the Colony in its first General Assembly; although to meet them might have been thou«ht not only the most reasonable proceeding, but the one most gratifying to a Governor for wjiom had always been claimed, by his flatterers, the credit

of constitution'• author. On the contrary, issued his notorious “Cheap Land” Regulations witohut consulting the representatives of the people in the Colony. He then arranged that the Provincial Assemblies should (irst be called together, and that no General Assembly should be convened, at any rate before he had ceased to be Governor. And in the course of these arrangements he Was closeted with Dr. Featherston, the present Superintendent of Wellington Province, and one of the members for the city of Wellington, who had, until the constitution was almost smothered in its birth, been one of the most determined and consistent opponents of Sir George Grey’s administration. • By these two arbitrary acts, Sir George Grey created another of the great obstacles to a peaceable and satisfactory solution of the Maori difficulty.

He laid the foundation of that class, or party of colonists, which has in one way or another exercised a prevailing influence over the politics of New Zealand ever since the constitution was inaugurated. If others than Sir George Grey founded the various settlements of which this Colony consists, —if others than ho really fought for, and ■wrested from his reluctance, its free constitution, he it was, whom the class of land-monopolists have to thank, for giving them the means of wielding, for their own especial advantage, the powers of the constitution. In every Province where his “ Cheap Land” Regulations took effect over any extent of land, the occupation of the land|was first monopolized in the form of runs, and its sale to small freeholders was discouraged by various provincial laws, until the runhoklcrs, who had pretty well taken possession of the Provincial Governments, managed to secure the freehold of country at either 10s. or ss. an acre Of course they only bought the cream of their runs, thus securing the unhindered occupation of the rest. We have remarkable instances of it close to us here. The Canterbury block, which was fortunately saved from this disastrous system of monopoly by a high price, did not a first include the whole Province. Messrs. Kermodo & Moore's run, of Glenmark, in the Waipara District, vas outside the block, and therefore subject to Sir Georffe Grey’s “Cheap Laud” Regulations. The consequence was, that those gentlemen became possessed of 48,000 acres of land, much of which is admirably adapted for the settlement of a thick population ; but which will probably remain for many years in its natural state, as a wild park for depasturing sheep. Immediately on crossing the llerunui River into the Province of Nelson, two notable instances of the same kind occur. Mr. William Robinson of tbe Cheviot Kills, has acquired, at the price of 10s. or ss. per acre, the freehold of about 98,000 acres of land, much of it admirably adapted for settlement ;&ud cultivation. Mr. Duppa, his neighbor, acquired at the same prices, the freehold of about 05,000 acres, which he recently sold, at the price of one pound per acre, to Messrs. Robert Rhodes & Vvilkm. I have selected these instances as being in this neighborhood, in order that mv readers here my the better understand what has been the general result of Sir G. Grey’s “Cheap Land” regulations in other parts of the. Colony. Fortunately for Canterbury a large extent of good laud, available for real settlement, was included in the ■block, and thus saved from monopoly ; and the Canterbury people were wise enough, so soon as they had the power of framing their own laws for the disposal of public land, to maintain a high price over the whole province, thus saving from monopoly all that part of it, formerly outside the block, which had not yet been snapped up by .greedy individuals.

In the North Island, and especially in the provinces ot Wellington and Hawke’s Bay, the monopoly of the hind caused a speedy check to population, and a stagnation in business. Debts were contracted by the Governments of those Provinces. A large portion of the funds thus raised ■was spent on immigration and public works. But the laboring immigrants, perceiving tjiafc there ■would be little or no available land for them when they should have saved enough money to buy themselves small freeholds, took the earliest opportunity of decamping, after they had worked some time at roads, bridges, &c., which were chiefly for the benefit of the runholders and other landtnonopolists. A large portion of this re-migration directed itself to Canterbury, and it was accorapanied by a removal of capital also to this Province, which could find readier employment in aiding the establishment of .hundreds of happy homes, than in competing for the custom of a few hundred,thousand sheep. Thus Canterbury profiled temporarily by the'misfortunes of \Veltington. But the profit is not a lasting one. It would be better for Canterbury ,if colonization were making equal progress in all other parts of the Colony. It is far better for a community to form cue of itnanv healthy and flourishing members, than to .be one of a few sound limbs iu an otherwise paralyzed body, {To be continued in our next ].