MR, STAFFORD AT NELSON.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 145, 23 October 1863, Page 3

MR, STAFFORD AT NELSON.

(Frotr the Advertiser, Oct. 8.)

One of our ex-Prime Ministers—Mr. Stafford —has been enlightening his constituents with regard to his views on several of the most important public questions of the day. His audience, we are glad to learn, was a large one, and his reception enthusiastic. The speech is a statesman like production; no abusive epithets are hurled at political opponents; and the defence of Governor Browne’s Ministry is clear, comprehensive, and argumentative, if not convincing. It is not one of those spongy productions which, when the expletives are squeezed out of it, could be confined in the compass of a nut-shell, like some speeches which we have had the misfortune to wade through, but is of a solid, weighty, and durable character. The speaker's aim is no'; to excite but to convince, and he consequently appeals to the judgment rather than to the feelings or the imagination of his audience. He impresses his hearers with the conviction that he feels he has a good cause to advocate, and, feeling thus, lie does not think it necessary to resort to any theatrical aids and appliances in supporting it. It is as free from claptrap as from all personal vituperation, and in this respect stands in marked contrast with that recently delivered at Lyttelton by Mr. Fitz Gerald. The principal subjects upon which he dwells are of colonial interest, and he treats them all so fully, and apparently so dispassionately, that you arrive irresistably at the conclusion that he has occupied much time in their study, and much care in

tneir treatment and elucidation. You see that he feels he is really addressing a larger, and probably a less partial audience than the one immediately before him, and that he knows every statement he makes and every argument he adduces will be subjected to the strictest investigation and the severest scrutiny. He plays with no edged tools, nor uses any weapons which he would object to others using. The address, in short, is not an electioneering speech, but a state paper. The subjects referred to by Mr. Stafford are the New Provinces’ Act, railways, the colonial debt, the native question, the king movement, Sir George Grey’s policy, and a policy for the future, upon all of which he spoke at considerable length. With reference to the first measure, he observed that he could understand why those who are not favorable to the system of provincial institutions should not approve of it, but he could not understand how any persons wishing to to have the privilege of locally governing themselves, can refuse to their 'fellow-men the enjoyment of the same privilege. He states the principle of the Act to be this: — That communities, having a unity of interest, should have the power of determining, without the interference of others, how any public works are to be constructed ; how their children are to be educated ; how their police regulations are to be controlled; and generally how matters which concern themselves only are to be dealt with. If that is the principle of the Act, to such a principle we can offer no objection, but the machinery by which it was proposed to be carried out, is in our opinion cumbrous, costly, and illadapted, except for temporary uses, for the purpose for which it was designed. Mr. Stafford admits that the Act is susceptible of much improvement; and observes that he does not see any reason why a new province should not unite. We think that it is very probable that they will eventually do so, but not not until their respective land revenues are exhausted. The provinces in this Island might even now do so with advantage, if what Mr. Stafford considers the principle of the New Provinces’ Act could be established in each of the communities of which the North Island is now, or may hereafter, be comprised. It will be impossible to rotainthe existing machinery much longer without having recourse to direct taxation, and a machinery which can only be kept going by such means will soon come to a standstill, and will fall, by its own weight, to pieces.

With reference to railways, Mr. Stafford observes that if it will pay to make communications for traffic with distant districts, a railroad is infinitely the best road to make. Howe% r er good an ordinary road may be, the limit is soon reached, beyond which it will not pay to carry goods on such a road. While, when goods are put into a railway truck, the difference of sending ten and two hundred miles is merely fractional. The district, however, which it is proposed to open up must be of such an extent and character as would supply traffic for a railway. It should possess great agricultural or mineral resources, or it will not supply the traffic to defray the interest on the cost of

the undertaking. He does not think tha* the district to which it is proposed to carry the Nelson railway is of such a character — that it does not possess so much land of good quality as would make a railway to it a profitable undertaking. This question brought Mr. Stafford to the colonial debt, which he views with some anxiety, not unmixed with alarm. The remarks he makes on this subject are at once so clear, forcible and concise, that we cannot do better than give them in extenso. He observes:—

A European population, not exceeding, at the outside, 150,000 souls, has already an authorized ■public debt of from £3,200,000 to £3,400,000. Exclusive, too, of what is certain to result from the present state of the natives, which will cause a large expenditure to be met in some way by the colony. People and communities acquire the habit of borrowing money very easily. At first, few things impress a thoughtful man more than the feeling of indebtedness. But it is with this—as with our vices—what startles us when first committed, sits lightly upon our consciences after some practice. When people have got over the first experience of being in debt, they become very callous to it; and communities still more than individuals—arc proverbially ready to do what a single individual would not dare. Finally, it appears not only a pleasant, but the normal state of things, to live on borrowed money. Ido not wish it to be inferred that I object to the principle of states incurring a public debt. I think it right and fitting in many cases that it should do so, and particularly a partially developed new country. For great public works of a reproductive character, or which will benefit posterity, it is only fair that posterity should pay its share. But the limit of debt should be carefully guarded, and the limit should be sueh that, in a period of momentary panic or depression—which arrives to all countries in turn—the existing resources if a country would surely preserve its reputation for good faith. Ino not say that the limit I have indicated has yet been reached in New Zealand but I do say that if the country goes on increasing its public debt at the same rate as for the last two years, it will soon be both reached and exceeded. I am also much dissatisfied with the manner in which some of the public debt has been incurred. That it is not for certain specified objects, but merely to be swept into the treasury, to be applied as ordinary revenue. Such a mode of applying borrowed money will always have my determined opposition. [Cheers]. Mr. Stafford then adverts to the native question—just now of so much interest and importance—and which will occupy the greater part of the coming session. In doing this he gives a sketch of the position the natives, the Government, and the colonists have held towards each other from the time the British flag and British law were first set up in New Zealand. We entered a country inhabited by warlike tribes, who hardly knew what mercy meant, and proceeded to assume authority in it, depending only on a piece of paper. The natives allowed us to do it, partly because they looked upon us as trading agents, who brought the things they wanted, and partly, because we constituted ourselves as a barrier between them and hostile tribes. The settlements on the Hutt, and at Taranaki, were looked upon in this light; and the first settlers in the Wairarapa not only conferred many benefits on the resident natives, but enabled them there, as well as at New Plymouth, to maintain their ground unmolested. It was in this way we entered the country, and vainly hoped that we should be able to maintain our position without having recourse to force. In all other countries we had entered into we had to fight to maintain our authority, and New Zealand has proved no exception to the rule. Every Governor—except Governor Hobson, who died not long alter assuming the Government—has, much against his own wish, been forced to fight. Unfortunately for the maintenance of our law and rule, all the conflicts with the natives seem so conducted as to provoke others, by leading the natives to suppose that they could heat us. The present wars at Taranaki and Waikato have yet to be ended, and it will never do to permit them again to be drawn battles.

After adverting at some length to the origin, history, and results of the king movement, Mr. Stafford arrives at last to the most important part of his speech—that having reference to the part he took in the last session and the part he intends to take in the coming one. With reference to the former, Mr. Stafford says—

Before I went to the last session, I considered the special position of the native question, particularly in connection with the Governor, Sir Geo. Grey. The Imperial Government, in the exercise of its undoubted authority to do so, had sent Sir George Grey expressly to deal with the native difficulty. Ho came with a great prestige. A member of the Imperial cabinet (Mr. Gladstone) called him a great pro-consul. Having regard to the special’way in which Sir George Grey had been sent out, I went to the session with two fixed determinations. First, that I would not, throughout the session, object to any plan Sir G. Grey might wish to act on, whether I might deem it judicious or not, and would aid him in get ting any money or measure he might think necessary to his native policy. Secondly, that so far as I oould influence the question, he should be per-

sonally responsible for that policy. When I read the papers laid before the Parliament at its opening, I added a third determination, which was, that while adhering to my two first intentions, I would in no way make myself responsible for what was being done. I did not believe in iHUch of it. Instead of conducing to maintain peace and encourage habits of order 1 , it appeared to mo tending just the other way. While, therefore, I would not at the time criticise it, I would hard nothing to do with it.

After referring to the state of the Pro via * ces in the North Island, and to the noble, he- 1 roic, and patriotic conduct of the people of Auckland and Taranaki, which was a sufficient answer to the charges made against the colonists by men in high places in England, Mr. Stafford proceeds to notice the changed position of the Legislature consequent on the decision arrived at by the Imperial Government. Henceforth the Colonial Parliament will be responsible for the native policy ; and to the first minister and not to the Governor will belong the initiative. Under these circumstances, Mr. Stafford truly observes;—

The present state of native affairs cannot bfl permitted to continue. It would bo utterly destructive of the highest interests of the country, and most demoralizing to the national tone, that a state of intestine warfare, attended by murders and violations of every law should become chronic or of frequent occurrence. For the sake, then, of those higher interests and that national tone j for the sake of the natives themselves, who can only be saved by being made to become peaceful citizens, the measures adopted by the Legislature next session must tend to produce a conclusive result to the present contest; and to obtain any material guarantee against it recurring in future. [Cheers]. Believing that the measures contemplated by Mr. Domett will be found to be thoroughly calculated to produce that conclusive result—to obtain that material guarantee —I am prepared to give to Mr. Domett’s native policy a cordial and earnest support. [Cheers], lhava seen a statement to the effect that Mr. Domett had thwarted the Governor. If he meant that the Governor had a comprehensive plan for suppressing the present or future insurrections, and that Mr. Domett thwarted L, I say simply I do not believe it. Determined as tne colony is that native insurrections shall be suppressed, no minister could be mad or guilty enough, to stand in the way of any plan for finally suppressing them. Noticing the quarter from which that statement emanated; and knowing the feeling which animates its authors towards some of the member* of the Domett Ministry, I do not believe, and never for one moment believed it. On the contrary, both from what he foreshadowed last session, and from other reliable sources, I believe that Mr. Domett will propound a comprehensive native policy, which will be entitled to, and which will receive from myself, and all anxious for the future peace of the Colony, our strongest confidence and support.

It will be seen from the foregoing that there is no likelihood of the present Ministry being ousted from their seats; but it does not necessarily follow that no changes will be effected in it. We have been assured by Mr. Dillon Bell that the policy of the Ministry in the establishment of a chain of military posts in the Waikato has the approval of his Excellency, and it is possible, judging from his policy at the Cape, that it was suggested by him; but whether that be so or not we trust that policy will have the approval of the Assembly, and that it will be carried out to its legitimate ends. When we call to mind the conduct of the Native Minister at New Plymouth, and bear in mind his constitutional infirmities, we should not be sorry to see some other gentleman substituted in his stead ; nor shall we be able to repose much confidence in the Domett Ministry until Mr. Bell is removed from his present office to one in which he would not be able to assert or to exercise so commanding an influence in the cabinet as he is now enabled to do. It now appears clear that Mr. Domett will have the support of the Stafford party, and with that he will secure a majority in the Assembly for his native policy in spite of the cavillings of a Sewell, the debating club displays of a Fitz Gerald, or the factious opposition of the “ Wellington party.’