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GENERAL SUMMARY.

(From the Home Hews, January 26.) The details that have I’cached us of the battle of Fmlericksburgh confirm the worst apprehensions caused by the meagre telegrams. The defeat was so disastrous that there is not the slightest probability of any attempt being made to retrieve the reputation of the great army of the Potomac. The total loss has not yet been ascertained; but the few particulars that have crept out indicate the enormity of the slaughter. General Meagher brings his Irish Brigade into the field 1200 strong and brings out of the fight only 250, leaving about SO per cent, of his men dead on the field. General Hancock lost one half of his division. Out of 7000 men, General French lost 5800, upwards of SO per cent. In half-an-hour General Butterfield lost nearly 3000 men. It was not fighting as we understand the word in the actions of modern civilised troops ; it was annihilation. Against this horrible decimation of legions of men, the Confederate commander-in-chief reports a total loss in killed and wounded of 1800.

The clfect of this signal defeat was at first to throw the whole country into convulsions of indignation. The journals could not restrain the expression of their rage. A commercial paper in Now- York said that if there existed any constitutional means of compelling the resignation of the President, it ought to be put in force. The dismissal of the Cabinet was clamourously demanded. Public meetings were held for tho purpose of letting the government understand what the people thought. There was no longer any fear of those exceptional powers which the President had so long exercised with impunity being again resorted to. Congress appointed a committee to enquire into the conduct of the war, and to ascertain who is responsible. Mr. Secretary Seward and Mr. Chase, anticipating the verdict of popular rage, sent in (heir resignations. Burnside also requcntod to be relieved of his command. The whole Cabinet was on tho point of going to pieces ; when Mr. Lincoln, seeing his danger, and still hoping for a turn of good fortune, came to the rescue. He refused to accept the resignations. And he acted very wisely. For a victory, such as it is, has been achieved since, and the disaster of Fredericksburg is already forgotten. The rumour that M : Clellan had been sent for turns out to bo unfounded.

Nominally on the Ist, but really on the 2nd, of January Mr. Lincoln issued his Proclamation declaring all the slaves free in the rebel States, which he enumerates, and leaving all slaves in bondage everywhere else. He further charges all his officers, and officials to recognize and assist in the promulgation of such freedom, and he advises the slaves themselves to abstain from violence—as if that were possible, under the circumstences—and to work for reasonable wages. This Proclamation which marks a distinct epoch in the fall of the American Federation, concludes by describing the measure as an act of justice, and calling down upon it the favour of heaven. Lord Chesterfield says that when you go to the opera, you should leave all your understanding outside the door. Mr. President Lincoln took the hint when he entered into the Paradise of the bones and the banjo. He has clearly left his logic behind him. To decree the emancipation of slaves in States over which he has no power and to maintain slavery in States over which he exercises an authority greater than that of the constitution itself, is manifestly an outrage upon reason. If freedom be the object of the movement, why authorise slavery

in one place, and abolish it in another? Had Mr. Lincoln proclaimed universal emancipation he must have secured important moral support in Europe? But a measure which is obviously adopted, not as a matter of principal, but as a barbarian reprisal in time of war, has had the effect of increasing, in America and out of it, the odium which has already gathered so ominously round Mr. Lincoln’s government. The Democrats hit the weak point of this proceeding when they declare that it is illegal, and that no State is bound to obey it; and not one Federal general has, as yet, announced his intention to execute its provisions.

President Davis has retaliated by a proclamation, in which he declares that all slaves that shall avail themselves of President Lincoln’s new charter shall be handed over to the states to which they belong, and that the same course shall be adopted with all officers commanding them. He further decrees that Oeneral Butler shall be hanged should he fall alive into the hands of the Confederates, and extends the same sentence to all officers serving under him. This is very shocking; but it admits of the miserable excuse of necessity. It is almost impossible for the human imagination in quiet, civilized countries to comprehend the horrors of a servile war, when the revolt counts by tens of thousands, collected in masses, and the victims by isolated units. Yet this is exactly the issue incited, and as far as it can be, enforced by President Lincoln. We may deplore, but can hardly censure very severely the savage response of Mr. Davis. Between the two Proclamations, the belligerents may now be considered to have reached the last extremity of sanguinary violence. Nothing remains but a war of mutual extermination.

The determination of England to remain neutral satisfies neither party. The Chamber of Commerce at New York hare appointed a committee to consider what ought to bo done with us for our conduct in reference to the Alabama, and other such aid which it appears we have given to the Confederacy ; and Tho Confederacy denounces us for not aiding them by agreeing to the mediation proposed by France. As soon as they have done with eacli other, the belligerents threaten to fall upon us. 13ut we have this comfort in reserve, that they will not fall upon us together ; for whatever may be their dislike of England, their hatred of each other is considerably more deeply seated.

Missouri is the only State that has passed a resolution in favour of the Proclamation. The Governor of Kentucky has denounced it as illegal and impolitic, and recommended the Legislature to enter a protest against it. General Butler has been superseded by General Banks, the object of whose mysterious expedition is thus explained. If Butler had been removed in disgrace, there might be some hope of a better future for New Orleans and Washington ; but he is removed to receive higher honours, as a proof that his administration has given full satisfaction to the government. According to various reports he is destined either for a great command in the field—which, with President Davis’ Proclamation before him, lie may be advised to decline—or to succeed Mr. Stanton, whoso retirement is considered inevitable. He has been received in New York with popular ovations. The North is still fighting, and calamity still follows its banners. Great fear has for some time prevailed concerning the fate of the armies of the south-west, and the results have shown that they were not without foundation. Both the Generals Grant and Rosecranz, had been cut off from their bases of operation, and the choice of time and opportunity lay at the mercy of the Confederates. General Grant had marched southward, crossing Tennessee, and penetrating Mississippi, some 70 or 80 miles to the south-east of Memphis. His supplies were to be drawn from Columbus, along 250 miles of railway, and ho had no second line of communication Taking advantage of (his illchosen position, the Confederates had no difficulty, by an ingenious, but very obvious diversion, in compelling the garrison at the railway station of Holly Springs to surrender with a large amount of stores, in seizing finally on the whole line of railroad, and eventually threatening Columbus itself. General Grant appears to have had no alternative left at the date of the last accounts but to cut his way to Memphis, with a view to form a new base of operations. Simultaneously with these movements a still more important struggle has been going forward in Tennessee. General Rosecranz occupied Nashville, (ho capital of the state, which is connected by railway with Louisville in Kentucky. Here the Confederates, under Morgan, again seized upon the line, and cut off the Federal general from his communications with the North. Under these circumstances, Rosecranz marched southward, some thirty miles, on the 27th of December, at the head of 15,000 men and 100 pieces of artillery, and on the 31st attacked Murfreesboro, where the Confederates were in force. His left was repulsed ; his centre, led by himself, was broken and defeated with great slaughter ; and, after eleven hours of fighting, and sustaining a terrific loss, roughly estimated at 2500 men and countless officers, he rested for the night without giving way. It was, of course, life or death. His communications were cut olf. He was surrounded by the enemy. In this condition, he renewed the attack on the following morning. The fighting continued in this way for five days. On the sixth morning, Rosecranz expected a renewal of hostilities, but made the discovery that the Confederates had retired during the night in perfect order, taking with them 4000 prisoners, and a number of captured guns. The field was therefore in the possession of the Fedorals, who are fairly entitled to claim the victory. They have since advanced ten miles further to the south.

'While tliis scene was going forward in Tennessee, the Fedcrals were suffering a defeat at Vicksburgli, in J ississippi, whore after attacking the plaie twice they were obliged to rc-enibark and retreat down the river, with a loss of 5000 men. Uencral Sherman committed the egregious blunder of opening his attack before the arrival of the gunboats, which would have covered the attacking party, and probably ensured success. The Confederates have been repulsed at Springfield; but they have taken Galveston, in Texas, and inflicted considerable damage on the Federal fleet, captu-

ring the Harriet JLane, and forcing the commander to blow up his flagship, to prevent it from falling, into their hands. The Greek question has advanced a step. The memorandum presented by Mr. Elliot to theProvisional Government respecting the cession' of the lonian Islands, has been officially published. From this important paper it appears Very clearly that the English Government have made the ces* sion entirely dependent upon the line of policy pursued by the Assembly. Mr. Elliot says in effect —“lf the Assembly carry out these objects, we will cede the lonian Islands to you; but if you should elect a prince who represents revolutionary doctrines, or the adoption of an aggressive policy towards Turkey, we will retain our protectorateover the Islands.” Nothing can be more explicit. The declaration on the part of the English Government that any symptom of an policy towards Turkey would put an end°to theproject of annexation, is timely and important. If the Assembly prove to be as sensible and farseeing as the Provisional Government, they will discern in this single intimation the steady light that ought to guide them throughout the difficult path they have to tread towards the permanent establishment of a constitutional government. If they would be strong and secure they must preserve the friendship of England, and keep the peace with Turkey.

The Duke of Saxe-Coburg has been suggested' as a fit and proper person for the throne; and: although he expressed himself unfavourable to the proposal at first, he is supposed to have changed his mind, as he is now on a visit to the King of the Belgians, who is a strong supporter of his candidature. Russia, however, has objected to his nomination on the ground that ho is as nearly related to the royal family of England as the Duke of Leuchtenburg is to that of Russia. The Emperor of the French opened the Legislative Session on the 12th of January. His Speech was temperate, contained no prophecies, hardly any mystification, and dwelt exclusively upon what had been done for France during the last five years. Two now provinces had been secured, his Majesty had held interviews with many sovereigns, and had increased the importance of the great bodies of the state. The Speech was considered either too egotistical or too didactic, and produced very little impression either on the Chamber or the public.

The Prussian Chambers -were opened on the 14th of January. The Royal Speech was read by Herr Von Bismark. The contents of this document were anticipated. It amounted in affect to a declaration that his Majesty is determined to persevere in maintaining forces against the will of Parliament, and supporting them on funds which the Parliament has refused to vote. The struggle is about to be renewed in a constitutional form. The Chamber has not yet taken any step and will wait, it is supposed, to see what the other side will do. The King is reported to be ill with chagrin and mortilication. The ministers are anxious for a quarrel with Austria ; but Austria does not seern disposed to gratify them. The marriage of the Prince of Wales has been officially settled to take place in March. Upon the arrival of the bride she will be carried in pomp through the metropolis on the way to Windsor, so that the people may sea their future princess ; and shortly alter the marriage the prince and princess will hold a reception to receive congratulations. Her Majesty, we regret to say, still denies herself to the appeal of her devoted subjects and has transferred for the year to come all levees and drawing-rooms to their royal highnesses. It is dillicnlt to express the general disappointment which her Majesty’s continued retirement produces, or to give shape to the rumours it generates. It may be easily conceived, however, that the grief of the Sovereign spreads a gloom over the country, and that no arrangement for the conduct of public business, or public ceremonials, could bo so acceptable to all classes as the legitimate course presided over by the Sovereign in person. The subscriptions for the Lancashire distress have very seriously affected the resources of the metropolitan charitable institutions, and the destitution of the London poor is represented as being lamentably on the increase. People cannot subscribe to everything ; and when the accustomed applications are renewed on behalf of Ragged schools, Homes and Refuges, the answer is that the greater calamity has the first claim. Such appeals are generally stopped on the threshold by a reference to the Lancashire subscription. The consequences of this drain are likely to be felt in other directions. Mr. Gladstone, in a speech at Chester a few days ago, estimated the loss the revenue would sustain through the suspension of wages in the distressed disiricts at the rate of a million and a half a year; and the actual loss on the current year would amount, he thought to one million. These figures are large, but they are not very alarming. England can bear the pressure. It is believed (bat sufficient provision has now been made to tide over the winter in the north ; and there are ample resources in the country to meet any future exigency. In the meanwhile, however, there must be much snflering which the most energetic benevolence cannot wholly alleviate.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HBT18630410.2.11

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume II, Issue 105, 10 April 1863, Page 3

Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,566

GENERAL SUMMARY. Hawke's Bay Times, Volume II, Issue 105, 10 April 1863, Page 3

GENERAL SUMMARY. Hawke's Bay Times, Volume II, Issue 105, 10 April 1863, Page 3

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