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MR. FITZGERALD’S RESOLUTIONS.

To the Editor of the Nelson Examiner. Sin, —When I first read the series of resolutions proposed by Mr. Fitz Gerald, my only sensations were amusement at their absurdity, and astonishment that a man of acknowledged ability should attach his name to them. Infinitely to my amazement, these resolutions not only found a seconder in the House of Representatives, but were supported by no fewer than seventeen of its members (it would serve them right to publish their names) ; while your “ own correspondent” enthusiastically expresses his opinion that “ It is a matter for the Colony to be proud of, that such noble principles are so nobly proclaimed in its Legislature.” The first two resolutions call for no remark ; they merely affirm that it is desirable that the Maori race should amalgamate with the European, and that the two races should enjoy equal civil and political privileges. As these privileges are secured by the Constitution Act to all her Majesty’s subjects in these islands without distinction of race, and as I have not heard that any one wants to take them away, I suppose these propositions were assented to with the same equanimity with which any other enunciation of principles common to all men of all parties would have been received. But resolution No. 3. runs thus:— 3. That a recognition of the foregoing principle will necessitate tho personal aid ofone or more native chiefs in the administration of the Government of the Colony ; the presence of members of theMaori nobility in the Legislative Council, and a fair representation in this House of a race which constitutes one-third of the population of the Colony. When we know how Mr. Fitz Gerald proposes to get his due proportion of Maori members into the House of Representatives, we shall be better able to realize the idea of the jtresence of one or more native chiefs in the Responsible Cabinet, filling, doubtless, the offices of Colonial Secretary and Treasurer, and forwarding minutes to the Duke of Newcastle upon the impropriety of keeping troops in the colony to the annoyance and inconvenience of “ one-third of the population ;” but I have very carefully read all through a very full report of Mr. Fitz Gerald’s speech in support of these resolutions (occupying three closely printed columns in the New Zealand. Advertiser of the 12th Aug.), and I can’t find that he offers so much as a suggestion as to the way in which his proposals are to be carried out in pdactice. It would bo easy enough, no doubt, for the Governor to nominate any number of “ members of the Maori nobility,” to seats in the Legislative Council, but how is he to force the constituencies to return Maori commoners to the House of Representatives ? By Act of the General Assembly the present qualification of electors might be abolished, and by the adoption of manhood suffrage, regardless of property qualification and of fixity of abode, the Maori population of the Northern Island might be admitted to an overwhelming influence in the electoral body. But does Mr. Fitz Gerald propose that the proceedings of the Legislature shall be conducted in the Maori language, or, if not, how will he enable the Maori nobility in the Legislative Council or the Maori commonalty in the House of Representatives to understand what is going on ? There are, we will suppose, a dozen Maoris in these islands who know enough of our language to write, and speak, and understand it with a facility sufficient for the purpose—l don’t believe there are nearly so many—l don't believe there is a single one—but even granting that there are as many as twelve Maori noblemen and gentlemen who have mastered the rudiments of our language, and have some acquaintance with the first four rules of arithmetic; may I ask Mr. Fitz Gerald, if these qualifications, added to a sense of truth and justice, and ever so much of a noble and generous mind, are sufficient to enable the most naturally intelligent nobleman or gentleman of the Maori nation to assist in the formation of laws adapted to a civilized state of society ? May I further ask Mr. Fitz Gerald whether it has occurred to him that an English nobleman or commoner, who aspires to take a part in public affairs, has generally dipped into Blackstone, has skimmed Adam Smith, has heard of Stuart Mill and Thomas Carlyle, has, at all events, read the Times newspaper, and that his studies have not usually been confined, like those of the noblemen and gentlemen of Maoridom, to that admirable version of the Bible in Maori and Missionary gibberish, or the excellent abridgement of Robinson Crusoe in the same confusion of tongues, for which we are indebted to the missionary press ? I must confess that I have not hitherto been fortunate enough to meet with any of those profound works by Maori writers on

jurisprudence and political economy, which, doubtless, exist; so that I can’t say how lar their views may correspond with those of the authors I have named; nor how far the education ol Mr. Fitz Gerald’s Maori noblemen may have been conducted in accordance with the principles which influence British legislation, whether in its civil or criminal branches ; but I can’t help thinking that, if Mr. Fitz Gerald will study those works (when he falls in with them), he will find that they go more to support the views of F. M. the Duke of Tomahawk, than those of Judge Blackstone and David Ricardo. 4. That the same principle ought to be respected in the constitution and jurisdiction of all Legislative bodies subordinate to the General Assembly, and of all Courts of law within this Colony. So that had Mr. Fitz Gerald found three or four more supporters, and had the native population used their suffrages in the way in which we might fairly expect them to use them, the Provincial Councils of the Northern Island would have been composed of, in every case, an absolute majority of Maori members, while the Superintendents of those provinces would inevitably have been of the same race. An early Gazette would have announced that Wiremu Kingi, Esq., had been duly elected Superintendent of the Province of Taranaki. Renata, Esq., of that of Hawke’s Bay, and other equally eminent noblemen or commoners of those of Auckland and Wellington. What, I ask your readers and your “ own correspondent,” what would Dr. Featherston have said to this ? A succeeding Gazette might have been expected to convey the announcement that the senior king’s counsel on the Waikato circuit had been appointed to the Bench of the Supreme Court. ' What would Mr. Justice Johnson have said to this ? The fifth and last resolution proposed that the Governor should be requested to take steps to carry the propositions contained in the preceding ones into operation with the least possible delay, and the whole were supported by a speech which is described as unrivalled for its eloquence, but which, viewed as an exhibition of intelligence, can scarcely be looked upon as creditable to the house or to the colony. I am, &c., *5$C

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HBT18620911.2.12

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume II, Issue 63, 11 September 1862, Page 3

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,190

MR. FITZGERALD’S RESOLUTIONS. Hawke's Bay Times, Volume II, Issue 63, 11 September 1862, Page 3

MR. FITZGERALD’S RESOLUTIONS. Hawke's Bay Times, Volume II, Issue 63, 11 September 1862, Page 3

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