MR ANDREWS AT KNIGHTSTOWN.

Globe, Volume XXIV, Issue 2532, 20 May 1882, Page 3

MR ANDREWS AT KNIGHTSTOWN.

Last evening, in the public library, Knighfcstown, Mr 8. P. Andrews] addressed a meeting of about sixty electors. Mr John Dixie was voted to the chair, and introduced the candidate as a gentleman of Parliamentary experience and well known to the majority of the audience.

Mr Andrew*, who on coming forward was greeted with applause, spoke for an hour and a quarter. He prefaced his remarks by deprecating any insinuation that ha sought to step into a dead man’s shoes. The audience was aware that Mr. Billiot, the member for Stanmoro—the choice of the Stanmore electors—had not yet been ousted from his seat in the House. Upon a discussion of this matter he (Mr Andrews) did not wish to enter; and under other than existing circumstances he should have preferred postponing his address pending the result of Mr Pilliet’s and his friends’ efforts to retain that gentleman in Parliament. At a quarter to five o'clock that evening he (Mr Andrews) had received the following telegram from Mr W. Montgomery, dated at Wellington:—“Motion for issue of now writ postponed till Thursday next—judges' decision registered.” Yet the meeting would not be injured by listening to remarks that evening, if only for old acquaintance sake, fApplause.] One reason for convening the meeting lay in the fact that there wag already a candidate in the field. In regard to the Hon. Mr Richardson, he did not intend to use harsh words. If Mr Richardson were preferred by the electors he (Mr Andrews) would bow to their decision. Should a vacancy occur, and should ho be elected, he would enter the House as having views identical with the electors ? Ha would go to Wellington as a representative man, prepare! to work for the district, and for the cause ho had at heart. Ho told them plainly that he was a thoroughly party man, not believing in the propriety of half-measures. To see men halting between two opinions was a despicable sight, and so it was to see members halting between two aides of the House. The Hon Mr Rolleston had said to him the other day—“l suppose there is no use in asking if you intend to give the Government your support ?” and ha had replied that there Was not the elightejt use. Oo that occasion Mr Rolleiton had said that being a middle man was one of the greatest mistakes he had over made in his life. Ho body of men conduced so seriously to stonewalling and to a hindrance of the progress of work as did middle men in Parliament. In the case of the stonewalling of the people of Nelson, no doubt they believed they were justified in their conduct, thinking to humbug and tire members, with a view to obliging the Government to abandon the Representation Bill, although it was supported by, perhaps, five-sixths of the House. These were middle men who had come out from the Government and come out from the Opposition. So far as the New Zealand Parliament was concerned, there were as clearly defined parties there as in any other Parliament in the world. In several measures he had supported the Hall Ministry, believing such measures to be calculated for the good of the country. They had mainly been promulgated, or introduced, by the leader of the great Liberal parly, Sir George Grey. [Applause.] It did not seem necessary to say mnch in reference to Sir George, further than that ho was far from being dead yet. [Hear, hear,] Perhaps ho somewhat lacked his old physical energy, but ha still lived, and might cause a great deal of trouble to those opposed to him. If Sir George Grey had been able, he certainly would have carried those measures. But it was not easy to carry measures with a small majority, and trammelled by the middle men. There were too many members who had axes to grind, or wanted a bridge, a road, or a cutting. In the event of a vaomey, and of his (Ur Andrews') return, he would take his stand as of old. On one or two occasions he had voted against his party, and on one or two occasions he had, perhaps, committed the gravest errors in his political life. He touched on this question, as other wise he might be questioned about the matter of voting in favor of the 10 per cent, reduction. As to this ho had nothing to disguise, acting as ho had then thouvht in the best interests of the country. The Ministry were bothered at the time; the Opposition were undecided. Mr Moorhouse was ptzzled, and in the emergency proposed that the Civil Service throughout the colony should be reduced to half psy until the financial difficulty was over. Ho (Mr Andrews) had perhaps aoted hurriedly, but he did what ac the time he had conceived to be right. Something needed to be done ; it was impossible for things to continue as before. From the outnet of his going to 'Wellington ho had set himself against extravagance and high salaries. The fact was that every Civil servant receiving over £SOO or £6OO a year was in possession of a political appointment; and, when the amounts paid to highly salaried officers were submitted to analysati on the sum was perfectly appalling. He had been obliged to challenge the Speaker for receiving so large a salary lor a few weeks’ work at a time when the country was without finances and men were walking about destitute of employment. He had told the Speaker that when the time came he would urge a reduction of his salary. It was also anomalous that the clerk of the Parliament should have been in receipt of £6OO, and £2OO bonus in addition, for three months’ work. At that particular timo the heads of departments had advised the Government to allow reductions to bo made without specifying in what direction. On that proposal ho had looked with distrust, thinkir'g at the time that, if a reduction had to bo made, it would bo better to see what could be done by a twelvemonths’ trial of the 10 per cent, reduction ; and ho had urged an uniform reduction, starting with salaries of £ISOO a year, £I2OO, and £IOOO. He and Mr Richardson had been assured that the reduction would not affect the wages class throughout the colony. Unfortunately he (Mr Andrews), in a senee, left his party and took the then Premier at his word. The motion for tho 10 per cent, reduction was carried. No sooner wore the notices to that effect posted up than he (Mr Andrews) received a telegram, and this he showed to the Premier, who said—“ Andrews, there mutt be something wrong,” and had the nation removed. Ultimately a regular jumble ensued, for which he was not responsible. This point was explained merely as being connected with one of the greatest mistakes tho intending candidate had ever made. But there was an end to all things, and he did not assume that the electors would inflict eternal punishment upon him for one error, or refuse to give credit for other services rendered. It had been moved that all salaries or wages of £l5O and under should not bo rogulattd by the 10 per cent, reduction, and for that motion Mr Andrews had voted. He should certainly, if a vacancy were declared, take another opportunity of addressing the electors

in that quarter, and he would then, if required, give any further explanation. Mr Andrews went on to say that he had advocated open door* in every enquiry touching the dismissal or suspension of any person in Government employ, and had stood out against burked and hidden examinations. He instanced a case where, in Otago, an employe had been dismissed ostensibly for being a drunkard, and without trial or explanation. Twelve months afterwards he had received an offer of employment, subject to getting a certificate as to character, and the railway authorities under whom he had worked, gave him a most excellent testimonial. Thereupon the man had petitioned to Parliament, and very properly. A committee of the House was appointed to lock into the matter, and the witnesjea could only say they thought they were lotting him off easily ! But he (Hr Andrews) said No ; if a man were a drunkard, let hina be treated as a drunkard ; and, if a thief, as a thief. Hundreds of men had been dismissed they knew not why, and without an opportunity for defending themselves, Btffsring from the stigma attaching to secret inquiries. Reform was needed regarding lunatic asylums. He did not allude to the asylum of this district, for the manager had been absent, and under such circumstances to institute an inquiry would ha unfair. He had seen sufficient in Wellington to show that the present system was unsatisfactory. Paid official visitors were ( too apt to visit such institutions at hoars I known beforehand, looking in at one room and passing by several others. Lnnatio asylums, gaols and hospitals should ha open to inspection at all times. After a brief allusion to the Whitelaw case, Mr Andrews said he had never known the effect of the bath as a punishment in asylums until he had himself seen an inmate threatened with it. This man was staring at some imaginary people approaching, and kept reiterating “ They’re coming, coming, coming.” He had been docile and quiet for some time, but a hand was laid upon him, and he was told he should bo put in the bath unless he kept quiet. The poor fellow then put his hand on his head, pained at the thought, »nd ran off screeching at the threat of the terrible bath. This state of things, resulting from want of efficient inspection, was happily passing away, yet much remained to be done. Urgent necessity also existed for doing more towards the West Coast railway .Fine as were the exhibits shown in Christchurch from the Malvern district, iu respect of clays and minerals, they could not hold a candle to the exhibits from the West Coast, This subject was allied to that of the borrowing of more money. Ho was decidedly in favor of farther borrowing. The colony was in that position, that it needed a proper system of railways. Coal, copper, clays, and timber abounded, but lacked proper facilities for ths development of industries. Fresh borrowing, it was true, implied fresh taxation, but this did not matter if the taxation were imposed in the right place. Sir Julius Vogel had shown, discrimination in seeking to borrow money to spend on produotive works. The object should not be to add to the ad valorem duties and to further tax the working man. No, the land should be made to pay for ths accession of value which had scorned to it. In emergency it might be granted that property was a proper subject for taxation, bat it did not do to make a practice of taxing the industries of the people. An advertisement had appeared touching a proposed sale of property at Waikari Flat—land bought, perhepi, at 10s an acre, and which might be sold at £lO or £l2. It wae not the working men of the colony who had been benefited by borrowed money, but the lucky men who had bought land cheap. Yet the working men had a debt upon them, and they should have to pay it off unless they saw that it was paid by those who had derived benefit from the money. If such estates as those of Mr Moore, of GHenmark, and of Messrs Mallook and Lance, of Horsley Downs, were submitted to the hammer, the surplus of money realised over that paid originally would suffice to make the railway right away to the West Coast. It was easy to pass local rating bills, giving bodies power to levy rates, but a difficulty was experienced so soon as it was sought to impose a direct tax on those men who had reaped the benefit. Then it was that party feeling cropped up. Touching elections, they now had certainly next door to manhood suffrage, having freehold and residential qualifications. As long as they had the latter they need not grumble, if it was really as good as it looked. The ballot was in vogue, but it wae not the ballot pure and simple. The system of having voting papers with a number gummed down in one corner was improper. The appointment of scrutineers should be sufficient to test a voter’s right. The registration of votes was also unsatisfactory. If the Registrar of Births, Marriages and Deaths in Christchurch were to make as many mistakes as did the electioneering registration officer no man would be able to tell his own age. [LaughUr.] Mr J. L. Wilson had complained, in Mr Andrews’ presence, to the Premier after the last election that the names of persons wishing to serve on behalf of Mr Wilson had been taken off the roll. One name, Mr Andrews alleged, was that of Mr Fraser, corn merchant. A much better officer could bo found, said Mr Andrews, at half the money. He had told the then Premier so, and he had replied, “ Ah ! yes, bat what can we do with old and respeoteil servants ? * He (Mr Andrews) could not suggest what should be done with them, but sometimes one felt almost inclined to say, “Drown them.” [Laughter.] The hour for closing the poll should be extended, nor was there any necessity for keeping tha electors in suspense until tha following day as to the result officially of an election, unless a clue to the reason might be gained from the fact, which he had on the Hon. Thos. Dick’s authority, that the fees were two guineas on nomimtion day, two guineas on polling day, and two guixeas on the day of the declaration of the poll. Mr Andrews intimated that ha had forms lying on the table, and those he would be glad to distribute to any gentlemen at the meeting who had not yet had their names placed on the roll. He cared not for whom they were going to vote. The forms were there for them, and they should vote for tha best candidate in their own judgment. (Cheers ) In reply to Mr Richards’ query, as to the 10 per cant, reduction aud the retention of the members’ honorarium, Mr Andrews said ho hud endeavored to rectify his mistake as soon as ho was convinced of its committal. On reference to the Parliamentary debates for the session of 1681, it would be found on page 575, that alluding to the proposed emission of the item of £IOO from the salary of the Clerk of Parliaments (in addition to his pirminent salary), ho (Mr Andrews) had said that the colony could not afford to pay such salaries, although he had nothing to say against that officer. Mr Hurathouso had then interpolated tha remark “ Take it off the honorarium,” and ha (Mr Andrews) had replied that he would take off half of hia honorarium if the hon. member would do the same—[cheers] —adding that the members knew there wore persons employed by the Govarnment at the present time—laboring men working in ballast pits end on railways—who got only Cj a day, which was not nearly enough to keep body aud soul together, and they had to maintain their families, and not a tongue in that House pleaded for them. Replying to further questions, Mr Andrews said he was not prepared, in regard to the proposed amendments in the Drainage Act, to favor the ingenious method adopted to try to force on the public what they had repeatedly pretested against. Major Atkinson’s now proposals to enable counties to strike rates showed the puerile disposition of the Government, who were ready to carry every sugges--1 tioa so long as they retained office by so ! doing. The Government had no policy of their own. Something of a decided character was needed. As ha had already said, nothing was so easy as to give the people power to trx themselves. Unices core was taken the country would drift into the condition of Ireland. A great point had been scored in the Representation Bill, but it needed to be properly followed up. Mr Andrews said he did not care who was leader—Sir George Grey, Mr Bathgate, or anyone else—co long as the reins of power were not entrusted to those who maintained that landed estates should be exempt from taxation. Ho thought acclimatisation societies had done harm as well as good, and he was opposed to poaching laws as obtained in England and Ireland. It was monstrous to say a hungry man should not be at liberty on his own property to shoot a pheasant. He would o.'rtaiuly oppose the Canterbury members in the event, which be deemed improbable, of their moving for a shot-gun license. On Mr G. F. Spooner’s motion, seconded by Mr J. B. Armstrong, a vote of thanks was passed to Mr Andrews. The vote was declared by the chairman to be unanimous, and seemed to bo so, four hands being held up against it at the back of the room, but apparently only in est.