THE ELECTIONS.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2382, 21 November 1881, Page 3

THE ELECTIONS.

THE PEEMIEE AT LEE3TON. Mr Hall addressed a meeting of the electors of Selwyn at the Leeston Town Hall, on Saturday night. Shortly after the hour fixed for the meeting—half-past seven o’clock—the hall was crowded to excess. The chair was occupied by Mr W. J. G. Bluett, who briefly introduced the speaker. Mr Hall, who on rising was received with loud cheering, said :—Mr Chairman and Gentlemen, —I regret that I have not been able to come to address you sooner. I should have done so but that urgent public business rendered it impracticable for me to leave Wellington. It might perhaps have been to my political advantage to come sooner, but 1 preferred public duty to considerations of my own political interest. I am told that during my absence, some gentlemen, who do not agree with me in political opinions, have been endeavoring to get up an opposition, which of course they are perfectly entitled to do. They have been endeavoring to make hay while the sun shone, while I could not take any part in their proceedings. But I am very much obliged to you, gentlemen, for the want of encouragement which they met with, owing to which that proposed agricultural operation has not succeeded. [Applause.] I will first glance briefly at the events of the past session. It was a session that was remarkable for two things—for the amount of time taken up by what I may call “ speechifying ” —by the number and length of the speeches which individual members thought themselves justified in inflicting upon the House of Representatives—and it was also remarkable because, notwithstanding that fact, very important measures received the sanction of Parliament. First among those measures I will allude to the Bills for completing the scheme of electoral reform, which has now been carried out by the present Government. The Bills passed last session on this subject were three in number. The first was that for the regulation of elections. That measure does not make very important changes in the law as it previously stood. It secures more effectively perhaps than was thought to be previously the case the absolute secrecy of the ballot. I do not myself believe that there was any ground for the apprehension which existed in some quarters that the way in which a man gave his vote could leak out; but that apprehension did exist, and it was desirable to do all that could be done to remove it. That, I think, has now been effectively accomplished. Another alteration which the new Act effects is the extension of the hours of polling until six o’clock in the evening ; a provision which perhaps is of greater value to town electorates than to those in the country. This change gives to persona of all classes greater facilities for recording their votes than they previously had. The third alteration which is made is that all the elections are to take place on the same day. The object of this change was to prevent the exercise of a large number of votes by one individual —to reduce what is called plurality of voting. I think these alterations are improvements. The next electoral Bill which was passed is that for checking corrupt practices. It is an exceedingly stringent measure. To my mind it will be rather useful for preventing the growth of corrupt practices than for curing them. So far as my own observation extends, I do not believe that corrupt practices have existed at elections in New Zealand to any appreciable extent, This measure, as some persons may find before the present elections are over, contains some remarkably stringent provisions. Any person who is guilty of treating an elector, or of committing what is made by the Act to be a corrupt or illegal practice—and it is now an illegal practice to hire a vehicle for assisting voters to reach the poll, or to give a glass of beer if it can be construed to be done for the purpose of influencing a vote —any person who does any such things and other similar ones, though perhaps thoughtlessly, incurs very severe penalties ; in addition to which he is disqualified from voting for three years, and his name will for that time be printed at the foot of the electoral roll as a person disqualified for illegal practices. Therefore, gentlemen, if we are to have a contest in the Selwyn district we !had better look out rather sharply. [Laughter.] From what I have noticed of election proceedings in some other districts I cannot help thinking some candidates have already committed themselves to a very considerable extent without knowing it. [Laughter.] The most important effect of this measure, and it is a valuable one, is that it will reduce the cost of elections. Election expenses in large districts, and especially in towns—even the legitimate expenses—have already grown so largely as to be almost a disqualification to some candidates. While, however, I appreciate the advantages of this Act, there is one feature of it of which I am bound to say I do not approve, and that is the prohibition of the hiring of vehicles to convey voters to the poll. In some country districts there are many voters who, unless means are provided for bringing them to the poll, will bo almost disfranchised. It seems to me an inconsistency to be giving these men votes, as we have been doing by our recent legislation, and at the same time to curtail the reasonable facilities

I which previously existed for bringing them to the poll. [Hear, hear.] That was not a feature of the Bill as introduced by the Government, and I cannot honestly say I approve of it. The last, but not by any means the least of the Electoral Bills, was that for the readjustment of the representation. You will remember, gentlemen, that wo wore told that this Government might talk about readjusting the representation, but would never do it. We have done it, and done it at very considerable sacrifice to ourselves. We have carried a Bill for the readjustment of the representation of the colony upon what we believe to be a sound and proper basis, at the sacrifice of the support of old friends who have felt bound to go into opposition, because the representation of their districts has been diminished by our action. The principle of this Bill is that the representation of the colony, as between its large territorial divisions, should bo adjusted according to the population. Wo could see no reason why Otago should not have the same number of members in proportion to population as Auckland, and why Canterbury should not have the same number in proportion to population as Wellington, and wo framed our Bill accordingly. But, as between different parts of these large divisions, we oaid this: Electors living in towns have greater facilities for exorcising political power—they can meet together with less difficulty, and can bring influence to bear upon members with greater facility; and, therefore, to balance this advantage, wo may fairly give to the country districts a larger amount of representation in proportion to their population than to the towns, and if we do so the two sets of electorates will practically be placed upon an equal footing in the matter of political influence. The Bill therefore makes allowance of 30 per cent, in favor of country districts as compared with towns. [Applause.] Another effect of the Bill is that New Zealand is now divided into single electorates, and instead of there being two or three members to be elected by some districts, only one will be returned by each district. One object of this change is to bring the electors and the candidate into closer contact, and enable them to know each other better. If two or three members are to bo elected for a large district, sometimes the influence of one candidate will drag others in after him!; but if only one is to be elected, then every candidate must depend upon his own merits, and by his own merits stand or fall. That is a reason why, in my opinion, the system of single electorates will bring about a fairer representation of the Dsople than the previously existing system. [Applause.] We did not carry this measure without very considerable difficulty. We were met by organised obstruction on the part of members whose districts were injuriously affected, and who considered themselves justified in pursuing a course of persevering obstruction, which they thought would render it impossible for us to carry the Bill. They talked incessantly, and upon a mere motion for the adjournment of the House talked against time from four o'clock in the afternoon until twelve o’clock at night for several days ; in fact, unless the Speaker had at last taken upon himself to put a stop to these proceedings, wo might have been sitting there still. [Laughter.] There is some excuse for the Nelson members, because Nelson was being deprived of the share of representation which it had possessed for many years ; but I think there was no excuse for some gentlemen who joined them. Sir George Grey and his followers, who had been preaching the doctrine of representation according to population, when we brought in a Bill which was based upon that very principle, could not resist the opportunity of joining in opposition to the Government, and very seriously obstructing the passage of this measure. That was, to my mind, a most extraordinary and unjustifiable proceeding. [Applause.] We persevered, however, through all difficulties ; the Government were as firm as the Opposition were obstinate; and eventually the Bill became law. The practical outcome of it is that justice is done to the districts of Otago and Canterbury, and one or two others which have increased in population very largely. I stated in the House, and repeat it now, that when the time shall arrive, as I believe it will, when the population of the North Island will have increased relatively more than that of other districts, I shall be quite willing to help to do the same justice to the North Island that has now been done to the southern part of the colony. [Hear, hear.] As the Opposition found very great difficulty in condemning our Electoral Bills, and it being, of course, their business to find fault with the Government, what they stated was that wo had stolen these Bills from our predecessors. It is true that our predecessors talked a great deal about liberal reform. They aired theories on the subject, but although they had splendid opportunities of carrying reforms of this kind they entirely threw them away. They had a large Parliamentary majority, they could have carried what measures they liked, and the last general election might have been held upon a fairer basis of representation than it was. We did not copy our predecessors in that matter. We took up this question not with the intention of talking about it, but of working it out. [Applause.] And I claim for this Government that we have done that thoroughly in the course of the three sessions during which we have held office, and have carried measures which place the representation of the people of New Zealand upon a very liberal and satisfactory footing. Moreover, if you will look at the Acts which have heen passed you will find they are not by any means like those of our predecessors. They are measures of a different character and construction, very much more practical and very much more efficient. And now it may be said that we possess in New Zealand a constitution as liberal, if not more so, as that of any British colony. [Applause.] Another measure which last session occupied much of the time of Parliament was the Licensing Bill, for the regulation of public houses. This Act has swept away a great mass of complicated and conflicting legislation which had been growing up during many years past. It provides one comprehensive and well considered law on the subject for the whole colony. It occupied very much time. Some members thought themselves justified in sneering at the amount of time which was devoted to such a question as this. I differ from them altogether. I think that a measure dealing with a question so largely affecting the social condition of the people of New Zealand was worth the whole of the time that was devoted to it. [Applause.] Having now got one law for the colony, if it is not found to work satisfactorily in any particular, it will be much more easy for the General Assembly to deal with the question and to introduce amendments than it was while different provincial laws wore in operation in the various parts of the colony. The main features of the new Act are that it gives to the people in a licensing district the option of vetoing the issue of new licenses. So far the system of local option is carried ; and it makes the licensing body elective instead of being nominated hy the Governor, as was previously the case. You will recollect that at our last meeting I stated that it was the intention of the Government to introduce a Bill for enabling grants of land to be given to companies which might undertake to construct railways on approved lines in this colony. The Government carried out that intention, and in spite of considerable opposition this Bill has become law. It provides that on lines of which the Government approve land may be granted to the extent of 30 per cent, of the cost of the railway ; alternate sections, not the whole of the land along the line, being given to the company, the Government retaining alternate sections. I have no doubt that where that can be done, the sections remaining in the hands of the Government will by the construction of the railway bo so increased in value as to be worth as much, it not more, than the whole of the land was previously. [Applause.] The Act contains a provision enabling land owners along the line, if they think fit, so far to encourage the construction of the railway as to guarantee the payment of interest on the cost by the raising of a rate upon their land. That is a proceeding, however, which will be optional with the landowners. The Act also enables the Government to take over any line under certain conditions at a valuation. Measures such as this have been found useful in other countries, and in New Zealand already stops have been taken for utilising its provisions for the construction of two lines of railway. I sincerely trust that its operation will be extended. It has been objected that if any particular railways are desirable the Government should make them. That may be true under some circumstances, but in the case of a colony which already has so large a debt as New Zealand is burdened with it is exceedingly desirable that no opportunity should be lost of getting such works constructed if it can be done without increasing that debt. If we can get railways made without adding to our national indebtedness so

much the better. [Applause.] If we were to leave all such works alone until they could be constructed by the Government, many districts, which I believe will get them under this _ new system, would have to wait a very long time. On another question an improvement in the law was effected which, though it did not excite much attention, 1 believe to be a very valuable one. It enables any person who may be injured by the Government or its officers in the carrying out of undertakings which the Government conducts for a profit, to bring an action against the Government as they would against an ordinary company. [Applause.] While a Government confines itself to the ordinary work of government—the protection of life and property—it may be necessary that it should enjoy some special immunities; but when it goes beyond that, as it very properly does in this colony, and engages in the construction and working of railways, thus as it wore taking the place of private enterprise, I think it should do so under the same liabilities as a private individual. [Hear, hear.] It should not be able to shelter itself behind special privileges, so as to prevent persons who may be injured by it from going into [courts and seeking redress. The Act passed last session remedies that grievance. Another matter, which perhaps may scorn a small one to refer to on an occasion of this kind, is the steps that were taken for abating the rabbit nuisance. I believe this subject to be one of very grave importance to the material prosperity of the colony. The effects of the rabbit pest in some districts in New Zealand—the southern part of this island and some portions of the North Island —are already very serious, not only in pastoral but also in farming districts. The pest has grown to be a very aggravated one from the absence of proper legislation which would compel every occupier to join in stamping it out. Last session therefore a measure was framed which will do that, and which also makes provision for rabbits being destroyed on Crown lands. Previously, although ’private individuals might join, as many of them did, in exterminating this pest from their own lands, no provision existed for compelling the same to be done on adjoining Crown lands. Under the Act of last session not only will every occupier in a district be compelled to join in clearing his land, but this will also be done on Crown lands. I notice that in a speech lately delivered by Mr Ormond that gentleman sneered at this question being made the subject of legislation in Wellington. Now, if Mr Ormond’s range of political vision was not so much limited to Hawke’s Bay and what affects that district, he would have remembered that it is the fact of this matter having been left to local management that has got us into the serious position in which we now are. It was local authority which introduced the pest; it was local management which allowed it to grow; it was local management which failed to provide legislative authority for dealing with it; when in the session before last an Act wag passed giving powers to local authorities to deal with this question, that also entirely broke down. This is one of the many subjects in which general control is necessary. I am by no means a centralist. I quite agree that strictly local matters should be left to local bodies to deal with. But I deny that a pest of this kind which, if not checked, is not likely to be confined to any locality, but will spread to other parts of the colony, and which therefore affects the colony as a whole, is a local question, or one which the colony at large should not deal with. [Applause.] The Government has been engaged in reducing the public expenditure of this colony. It has succeeded so far that during last session we were able to present to the House estimates smaller in amount by over £BOO,OOO than those of the previous year. [Applause.] By this means, by the improved returns we have obtained from railways, by an amendment in the legacy duties, and by stopping the holes in the Property Tax Acts, through which a large amount of foreign capital invested in New Zealand previously escaped taxation, the financial position of the colony was so far improved that we were able to propose a reduction of taxation. [Applause.] The reduction was effected partly in the Customs tariff. Duties wore taken off a large number of articles used as materials for local manufactures, and off materials for the cheaper kinds of clothing. We thought it reasonable to give a share of the reduction payers of the property tax, and that has been reduced for the current year to the extent of a farthing in the pound. I think you will agree with me that a reduction of taxation is especially welcome when it is obtained by economy in the public expenditure. [Applause.] While on the subject of taxation I will refer to proposals which have lately been mode for an alteration in our present system. Some persons are advocating a return to a land tax. I notice that those persons are generally those who under a land tax escaped taxation to a very large extent. Let us see what are the facts bearing on this case. The taxable property in New Zealand last year was—real property, £36,000,000; personal property, consisting of mortgages, merchandise, shares, and so on, £25,000,000; to which has to be added the foreign capital that will now be brought under the property tax. What good reason is there that the former class of property should be taxed and not the latter ? Why should Government and other stock, mortgages and merchandise escape contribution to the cost of Government, which protects all property alike ? I can see no good reason for such distinction, [Applause.] We are told, “You should not tax a man’s stock-in-trade.” Is not the land a farmer's stock-in-trade ? It is essentially so, 'and farmers, as you know, have to work as hard for their living as any others. The question was fully considered at the last general election. The issues were distinctly put to the country, and to my mind the verdict of the country was most decided that there was no good reason why personal property should not pay taxation as well as land. [Hear, hear, and cheers.] Another suggestion is that we should resort to an income tax. At first sight this appears equitable ; but if you go carefully into the subject you will find that this tax is open to a great number of practical objections. Eor instance, in the case of men working land in a new country it is very difficult even for themselves to know what their "bona fide net income is. They may know what their cash returns from their farms are, but the expenditure for producing that return must be so mixed up with expenditure for the improvement of the land as to make it almost impossible to arrive at what the amount of their actual income may be said to be. It would probably not bo difficult for many farmers so situated to make out at the end of the year that they bad no income at all. [Laughter and cheers.] At any rate, that is the case with the most improving farmers—those who spend all the money they can spare in the improvement of their land. In the case of manufacturers, merchants and tradesmen, it would be open to great objection. You could only test the income of such persons by searching through their books and by prying into the whole of their transactions for the year. Thus the tax would practically be a tax upon conscience. A man with a tender conscience, who would tell the truth about his income, would probably pay more than a man with a convenient conscience. [Laughter.] You would either have to take the taxpayers’ statement, or resort to a process which w ould be so inquisitorial as to be almost intolerable. With regard to professional men, it is true that their incomes escape direct taxation at the present time, but I do not think that the amount of revenue which would be obtained by taxing them would be sufficient to make it worth our while to introduce a tax with so many objectionable features as an income tax. It is sometimes asserted that the property tax favors the,wealthy class, and such a statement has been made in some recent election speeches. Now, what are the real facts ? Of the £101,000,000 which real and personal property in New Zealand is estimated to be worth, how much do you think escapes taxation under the £SOO exemption ? £43,000,000 is entirely exempt, and the lax is only paid on £61,000,000. Therefore, if there is a class which is favored by the property tax it is certainly not the wealthy class. [Applause.] I believe, gentlemen, that the property tax is the fairest in principle, and the most convenient in practice, of any we could adopt for the purpose of direct taxation. I now come to another proposal which has been put forward as a panacea for all our financial troubles, which is to enable us to reduce other taxation all round and still have a full treasury. It is a progressive land tax. Now what are the facts about that ? What would a moderate land tax upon large properties, added to the preaent tax, produce ? The total value of improved freehold property in New Zealand is £69,000,000, and of that the properties over £20,000 in value amount to £9,000,000. Assuming that freehold property produces a

rental of 6 per cent., which in the case of large properties ia a liberal estimate, this would yield an annual income of £540,000. If you put a tax of 10 per cent, upon that sum, which in addition to the present burdens would surely be a heavy one, it would only produce £54,000 a year. When you are told that a progressive land tax will give such large results, bear in mind that even if 10 per cent, were added to the present taxation it would only produce £54,000. The fact is that the value of properly whieh_ is held in large estates in New Zealand is not so great as is often asserted. What it is I have told you from actual official returns. [Applause. - ] But there may, it is said, be other reasons for such an impost. If this proposal is merely an attempt to seize what we have sold and been fairly paid for, then it is an utterly dishonest proposal. [Hear, hear.] Land was sold by the Government on its own terms, and it has received the money for it. The presumption when the land was sold was that it would have to bear its fair share of the taxation of the country—its fair share of the public burdens—but that it would not have to bear any special and excessive taxation put on for the purpose of getting the land back from the purchasers. Any proceeding in that spirit would be an act of injustice which I am quite sure the people of this colony would not listen to; [Applause.] Another reason given, however, for this progressive tax, is that it is necessary to burst up large estates in order to provide land for settlement. If it were really the case that land was not available for settlers on reasonable terms, or if that should ever be the case in this colony, then it may well become the duty of its statesmen to consider how the question should be dealt with, and the beneficial occupation of the land ensured, consistently with the observance of good faith and with justice to existing owners —I agree in that. But is there at the present time a scarcity of land open for settlement ? First of all as to the Grown lands. Are there none so available ? If any of you will invest the sum of sixpence in the purchase of a little book published by the Government called the “Crown Lands Guide,” you will find there full particulars of the extent, the locality, and description of Crown lands open for sale. Tou will find that there are 8.000. acres in the market at the present time—good, bad and indifferent. You will also see that this land may be bought on all kinds of terms—some for cash, some on deferred payments, some in village settlements, some on agricultural leases, some on what is called the homestead system without any payment. [A voice: “That's the one.”] Of course we don’t give the best land on those terms. In addition to that there are about 3.000. acres in Otago which will become available for settlement very shortly. When I lost met you here I stated generally the manner in which the Government proposed to deal with that land. The land is now advertised. You can see in the papers the conditions on which that large area will very soon be brought into the market. In Canterbury also it will be open to the Government in the month of May, 1882, to sell parts of the existing runs on what is called the pastoral deferred payment system ; and the Government, in the advertisement, has announced its intention to do so. [Applause.] Then, as to the large private estates, I do not believe that New Zealand is at all likely to be for any time a country of large private estates. In fact, it has been shown by authentic figures that land in this colony is more distributed than in most other countries. I believe it to be the interest of companies and other persons who own large quantities of unimproved land to burst it up themselves. They will be blind to their own interests if they do not do so, and I think most of them show every indication of being ready to adopt that coarse. Wo recently had two visitors to the oolony, who came to it for the purpose of reporting to farmers at Home what opportunities there were for settlement. I allude to Messrs Grant and Foster. They probably got to know more about the character and quantity of land which could be purchased in New Zealand than most of us would have opportunities of knowing, and on their return to England they reported that three-fourths of New Zealand was open for sale. It clearly is not the case that there is a scarcity of land available for settlement. What is wanted to promote the progress of the country, irrespective of other resources, is land, capital, and labor. Land we have in abundance. Labor is mt scarce at present. What we want is capitalists—not to lend money to be invested in land, but to invest in land themselves —to acquire land and work it, so as to increase our exports and employ population. [Applause.] And I suggest to you, gentlemen, very seriously, whether it may not deter the investment of capital in that way if anything like violent legislation ia attempted for imposing unreasonable and excessive taxation upon that description of property. I think we should bo doing that which would not only bo an injustice in itself, but seriously cheek the progress of the oolony. You may remember that last May I called your attention to features of the English laws relating to the tenure and the transfer of land which, in my opinion, had worked much mischief in the old country, and would have a like effect here. I especially referred to the law of entail —the power given to a man, by his will, to look up land for a long time, in some instances for even a hundred years, so that it could not be sold by the proprietor, could not be mortgaged, could not be improved—a power the exercise of which really makes land comparatively unimprovable. It has not yet been acted upon to any large extent in New Zealand, but there has been a beginning to act upon it. I stated to you whan last here, that the Government would introduce a Bill to abolish the law of entail, and we did so. The Legislative Council considered the measure, and decided to recommend the postponement of the Bill. I am sorry that it should have been so, but in the case of so large and important a change, I do not know that the decision of the Council is a matter for surprise. The Bill should, I think, be introduced again next session, and be persevered with until it becomes the law of the land. Another alteration which was proposed by the Governmeat last session, had the object of taking away the special privilege which a landlord possesses of distraining for rent. A landlord has special facilities over and above those of other creditors, and is enabled when rent is due to go upon the property and distrain for it. The Government could see no reason why a landlord should be thus privileged over other creditors, and they introduced a Bill to take away such power. The measure was not carried, but it will ba again introduced with the Entail Bill, and be persevered with. A third improvement which I think is required in the law relating to land, has reference to fixtures. At present, if a tenant puts improvements upon land in the shape of buildings, when ho leaves the land those buildings are the landlord’s. The system under which this is so has existed so long that it does not strike us as anything extraordinary ; but, as a matter of fact, it is a groat check upon improvements, and I think that in its essence it is unjust. Of course, landlords and tenants may make what contracts they please, but I think that the ordinary principle of law should be, that if a tenant erects buildings on his rented land, and the landlord at the end of the tenancy does not choose to purchase them the tenant should be allowed to remove them —of course, paying for any damage done by him in such removal. A Bill to effect this change was introduced last session, but was not carried, and it should be re-introduced next session. Those Bills will, I think, it carried, effect a vast improvement, and when they have been in operation some time we shall wonder how wo could have tolerated the system from which we have been emancipated. Your chairman stated to you that I should not only, in my address this evening, endeavour to give an account of the past, but should refer to the future. On former occasions I have been able to state to you specific proposals which the Government intended to submit to Parliament. On the present occasion I think you will agree that, for obvious reasons, I cannot do this. But I may speak to you generally of the kind of improvements in the law which appear to me to be desirable, and the principles which should govern the administration of the affairs of this colony. Speaking generally, the policy of the Government of a now country should distinctly bo a policy of progress —of progress in the adaptation of its political institutions to the rapidly varying circumstances of the country, and of progress in the development of its resources. I believe that in a now country the Government should not confine itself merely to protecting life and property, but that it is its duty to assist in colonising work by affording facilities for the settlement of the land, and for the i freest development of its natural rei sources. With regard to our political i institutions—which I contend have now been placed on a very liberal footing—it has been i suggested in some of the speeches delivered ■ during the course of this election that no man should have more than one vote. I dissent k from that view. I say that in electing a

House which is to a large extent a tax imposing body, property should have a reasonable amount of representation. [Applause.] If that is not permitted, we shall very soon, arrive at a state of things in which one class will impose taxation and another class pay it. What are the privileges as to representation accorded to property at the present time ? In addition to the residential qualification, a £25 freehold gives a man a vote. Surely it cannot be said that that is a rich man’s privilege. I say it ie a privilege given to the industrious, permanent settler. It is an advantage given to the man who has really a stake in the country, and is not merely one who is here to-day and may be away tomorrow, If it is a reasonable thing that every man who can claim under the residential qualification shall have a vote, then the man who is really a permanent settler, and one who will continue to bear a share of the country’s burdens, may certainly, with reason, be allowed in some oases —and it does not operate in many cases—to have the privilege of an additional vote for his freehold. [Applause.] The most absurd statements have been made as to the effect of this freehold vote. It is alleged that the property vote will in some cases swamp the residential vole. Well, taking an instance we know something of—l have looked through the Selwyn roll, as printed, and have marked the names of those not resident in the district, and who may therefore be said to be entitled to vote in the district merely in respect of their property qualification. There are 764 names on the roll. How many of those do you think I find, from roughly running through the names, do not reside in the district ? Just 51. [Applause.] Is it not absurd to talk of the residential portion of a constituency being swamped by this property-vote, which—in the Selwyn district, at least—is not one-tenth of the whole ? It has been contended by some persons that a number of men will at a general election give as many as ten votes. I have watched the Parliamentary elections pretty closely, and I do not believe that any such things has happened, or will happen. You will find that a good many men will give two votes ; many may give three ; but I do not believe that with the elections, as they will be. all on the same day, there will be 100 men in New Zealand who will give four votes each. I think it would not be unreasonable to limit the number of votes a man may give; and if the matter had not been so very much bungled by those who brought it forward, such a proposal would, I doubt not, have been agreed to last session. Let me add, that there is very little fear of property exercising an undue influence in our elections if the propertied classes in ocher parts of New Zealand are ai apathetic in politic al matters as they are in this part of the oolony. There are two improvements which I think may yet be made in our electoral laws. One defect in the present system, which is felt chiefly in town, is this—that a leaseholder, whose interest in a piece of land may really be larger than the interest of the freeholder himself, has no right to vote on account of that interest. In some parts of some towns, the majority of the occupiers are leaseholders. A man occupies, let us say, a piece of land, the ground-rent of which is £SO, his improvements make the property worth £SOO a-year. But he has no vote, while the freeholder, whose interest is perhaps not one-tenlhof his, has a vote for the property. I have been told that in a considerable section of one of the principal streets of Christchurch, where the occupiers are leaseholders and nonresidents, the only man who has a vote for that largo block of property—excepting, of course, the freeholder—is a care-taker, who is paid £1 a-week for residing in one of the buildings. [Laughter.] That is not a reasonable state of things—[Hear, hear] ; and I think that, generally, leaseholders should have votes. Another alteration which I think should bo effected—although I confess I am not very sanguine that it will be—is as regards women. On this point, I speak for myself only, and not for anybody else; I cannot see why, in a good many cases, women should not have votes. [Laughter.] I am not at all joking. I say that where a woman is supporting herself, and often her children, too, paying rates and taxes, I cannot see any good reason why she should not have a vote, and so the same voice in the government of the country as a man has. Women have quite as much brains as men have, and in many oases a good deal more. [Laughter ] They have quite as much interest in the welfare of the country, and if you want to judge of the qualifications of a candidate—to find out whether he is a humbug or not, I think that a woman would do that for you as quickly as a man would, or probably more so. [Laughter and applause.] When I spoke here last, I drew attention to the question of the second chamber of the Legislature, and I gave my reasons for believing that a second chamber was a desirable, nay, a necessary element in the successful working of national representative institutions. But I also gave my reasons for thinking that the present mode of constituting the Legislative Council of New Zealand was not a satisfactory one ; and I suggested for consideration another mode of constituting it. I did not, as has been stated in some quarters, promise that a Bill on the subject should be introduced last session ; but I expressed a hope that the matter would be thoroughly ventilated and discussed. That has been done, and I am now more than ever of opinion that a second chamber in this country is necessary. I believe that such a chamber represents—or ought to represent, and can be made to represent—rather the permanent settled opinion of the country, and that in that capacity it can most usefully put a check upon the occasional temporary impulses of the more popular branch of the Legislature —in point of fact, may 5 act as the fly wheel of the constitution, as it has been called. But 1 am now

as strongly as ever convinced—my conviction has, it possible, been strengthened —that it is desirable to make a change in the mode of appointment to the Legislative Council. I think that the Council should be elected. [Applause ] The other day my friend Mr Bennie seems to have said be wan glad to find I had been converted to that opinion, but I believe that he, or at least you, will do me the justice to admit that I stated in May last that such was my opinion. I then said that I thought the Council should be elected, in an indirect way, by the people. The recent discussion of the question has, to some extent, altered my opinion upon the point ; and I believe it would be better that the elections should be by the electors at Urge under a moderate property qualification,so that the Council shall not be a duplicate merely of the House of Bepresentatives. I think that members of the Council should not be elected for particular districts, but upon what is called Hare’s system, according to which the whole number of candidates is submitted to the choice of the constituency, each elector being entitled to vote for any number up to the total to be chosen. This, I think, would secure the placing in the Council of men who do not perhaps take strictly local views o£ matters —who, at all events, would not be influenced by local views and opinions, but who would have more comprehensive ideas of their duties than can always be the case with members who are elected by small constituencies. It would also probably give to the Council men who have made themselves known throughout the colony for high character or by long-continued and distinguished public services. I should be willing, in this matter, to make a condition which I think would be appreciated by the people of tne North Island, namely, that an equal number of members should be elected by each island. The North Island complains, or parts of it do, that because of preponderance of votes in the hands of the Bouth, there is great danger of injustice being done. I believe that any such fear is unfounded, but I think, for general reasons, that it would be satisfactory if in the Legislative Council there was the same number of members from each Island. The system I have indicated is one under which 1 believe we should secure a Legislative Council thoroughly fitted to discharge the important functions a second Chamber should discharge; and I sincerely trust that the Parliament which is about to be elected will not separate before this important change in our Constitution has been carried into effect. [Applause.l Then, with regard to the House of Hapresentatives itself. No one can appreciate ro-ro highly than I do the privilege of liberty of speech in a deliberative assembly : no one can more completely recognise that, without reasonable liberty of speech in such an assembly anything like discussion would be a mere mockery. By that I mean, of course, such freedom of discussion as is necessary to enable arguments upon one side and the ctber to be fairly stated. In the House of Commons, and in the representative bodies of British Colonies, there has generally, up to the present time, been no limitation, or hardly any, to this liberty of speech. In similar bodies in other countries, some limitations have prevailed ; but such restrictions as have existed elsewhere-have hitherto been'found unnecessary in British assemblies, owing to

the existence in them of a traditional spirit of fair piny—a traditional spirit of moderation — » traditional disposition to nee, and not to abuse, that valuable privilege of freedom of speech. But unfortunately, here and elsewhere, a change seems to have come over the spirit of the dream of such assemblies, and members have thought themselves justified in abusing his privilege, by occupying the time of Parliament to an unreasonable and intolerable extent. [Applause.] So much has that been the case —so much has time been taken up by number and length of speeches—that the careful consideration of measures brought before Parliament has been rendered almost impossible. The evil has grown, is growing, and must be put an end to. [Applause.] The time bos arrived, I believe, in this colony, us it appears in the opinion of many men of distinction in the mother country to have arrived in England—when a reasonable limitation must be put, to the time individual members may occupy in speaking. Still more necessary is it that a stop should be put to the systematic obstruction to public business recently resorted to by a minority for the purpose "of forcing its will upou the majority. We had, as you will be aware, a notorious instance of this in the House of Representatives last session. The Bill for the amendment of representation being very unpalatable to a small number of members, about three •weeks were required for passing it through the House, two-thirds of that time being absolutely wasted in wholly irrelevant discussion. The forma cf the House allow a motion for adjournment to be made by any member at any l ime, and upon such motion any member may speak, practically upon any subject, for any length of time. The Bill I have mentioned was opposed to such an extent, by means of this motion for adjournment, that for three or four days the House was absolutely not allowed to come to the consideration cf the measure at all. I ask you whether such a state of things as that ought not to be made impossible ?—[applause.] Whether it would be tolerated in any other deliberative body in the colony ? Clearly the time has coma when a check should ba applied. [Applause.] It is quite true that the Speaker extricated the House from the dilemma fry a very bold exercise of authority. But I do not think the House ought to have to depend upon so uncertain a remedy as that for so great and undoubted an evil. One of the first duties of the new Parliament should, therefore, in my opinion, be to reconsider the rules of debate, and bo to amend them ao, while protecting reasonable freedom of debate, ro put down talking against time and excessive length of speeches, [Applause.] IE something of this kind is not done things will get worse, until not only will business be completely obstructed, but the whole constitution will fall into contempt. You may hove noticed that in England men like Bright and Gladstone have declared that, such are the abuses of freedom of speech in the House of Commons, that the time has come when, in their opinion, the subject ehould bo dealt with by the House ; I think the opinions of such men should be a fair guarantee to us that the abuse may ba remedied without any unreasonable limitation of liberty of discussion. [Applause.] The next subject to which I wish to call your attention is that of local government. When a general election is at hand it is exceedingly convenient for a political party to have a good “ cry 11 to go to the country with. The gentlemen who are in opposition to the Government wore rather at a joss for a good “cry.” [Laughter.] They could not say we had not passed Liberal measures; they could not find fault with our administration. I felt for them vary much. [Laughter.] But have a “cry" they must; and they determined to raise the local government “cry.” So they protended the country wanted a new form of local government —that such was the universal wish of the colony. They talked a great deal about it in the House. They did not cubmit any definite proposals. Indeed, ao fur as could be gathered from their speeches, no two of them agreed. From Mr Ormond wo had a long speech containing vaguo suggestions, the gist of which appeared to be that thero should be established something like a form of provincial government adapted to the circumstances of Hawke’s Bay. [Applause and laughter.] Mr Macandrew tabled a sot of resolutions, proposing, in effect, that thero ehould be a separate provincial government for each island. The functions and revenues of the General Government were to become very general and emoll indeed, and all the rest were to be handed over to these insular provincial governments. The finances of those provinces ware not provided for, or, at least, they were dealt with in an exceedingly vague and unsatisfactory manner. I say that such a system as that would not give the country local government. Supposing the Boat of the provincial government for this island were bare, assuredly the southern portion of the island would not bo content to have its local affairs managed from Christchurch; nor, under a different arrangement, if it wero made, should we in this part be content to have our local affairs managed from Dunedin. [Applause.] Clearly, that would not be local government. Sir George Grey brought in a Bill embodying his ideas of ■what local government should bo. I have the Bill here, but will not trouble you with its details. It would have established what I call local government with a vengeance. [Laughter.] It provided that any district having, to the best of my recollection, 25 000 of population should have the privilege of adopting this form of government, so that there would be about twenty ouch Governments in New Zealand. Bach district under the Bill was to have a Council and a president—not to preside over the Council at its meetings, but to occupy, I suppose, a position like that which the Superintendent of Provinces occupied. Except as regards a few subjects, these small Councils wore to have the fullest power of legislation ; they wero oven to have the power of abolishing the form of Government provided for by the Bill which called them into existence, and of establishing any other form of local government they thought proper. Just imagine, if you can, what might be done by suoh bodies in the exercise of such a power as that. We might have had established among us the moat au ocratio system of government any man could dream of. These potty local bodies were to have power to establish tribunals for the trial of all except capital offences. We might have had, therefore, the moot varied systems of criminal jurisdiction throughout the colony. Each of the presidento was to have control of the volunteers of the district; ao that we might have had twenty volunteer armies in the colony. [Laughter.] As to finance, these districts wore to have endowments of waste lands, and for funds they were to have any money the General Assembly did not appropriate. Well, under that arrangement I don’t think they would [A Yoice—“ Have much.”] No, not much to grow stout upon. [Laughter.] The waste lands to be given to them as endowments [they were to have power to lease only—a subject upon which I shall have more to say presently. Such, then, was Sir George Gray's plan of local government, which, as we wore told, was to be received with enthusiasm throughout the colony. It was received, and I think deservedly, with ridicule. [Applause.] Both this plan and that of Mr Macandrew, proceeded upon the principle, not of providing for the local management of local affairs, which I soy is quite right —but of cutting up New Zealand into a series or potty states. The objections to such a system are so well stated in a despatch written some time ago by Lord Carnarvon to the Governor General of the dominion of Canada, that if you will allow me, I will read the essential portion of that document. Lord Carnarvon wrote :

“ A I/egislature, selected from an extended area, and representing a diversity of interests, in likely to deal more comprehensively with largo questions, more impartially with email questions, and more conclusively with both than is possible when controversies arc carried on and decided upon in the comparatively narrow circle in which they arise. Questions ot purely local interest will be more carefully and dispassionately considered when disengaged from the larger politics of the country, and at the same lime will be more sagaciously considered by persons who have had this larger political education. . . . The interest of every province of British North America will he more advanced by enabling the wealth, credit, and intelligence of the whole to bo brought to bear on every part, than by encouraging each in the contracted policy of taking care of itself, possibly at the expense of its neighbors.” These are words ot wisdom, which I think wo may well bear in mind when any proposal is made for cutting up New Zealand into a aeries of potty states. [Applause.] I do not assert that no improvement is needed in our present system of local government. As regards towns, I think it is admitted that satisfactory provisions exist. Bast session an

Act was passed, providing for small centre* of population a simpler and more economical form of municipal government than the one which previously existed. For rural districts, wo have County Councils and Road Boards. I have not time to go into their respective functions, nor is it necessary I should do so. Generally, as you know, the work of Road Boards is confined to strictly local needs. Counties have jurisdiction over larger ureas, besides having under them much of the administration of what I_ may call questions of rural municipal police. Some parts of the colony are found to prefer one of these systems, some the other. In the country north of Auckland there is a very general disapproval of counties, and the people there are satisfied with Road Boards. In other parts Road Boards have been abolished, and the people desire counties only. I think our present system should be made mors elastic, s"> that those portions of the colony which arc content with Road Boards should bo able, as it were, to put the county system on the shelf. [Applause.] Where, on the other hand, the desire exists that Road Boards should be merged into counties, great facilities should bo afforded for giving effect to that cleeiro ; and greater facilities than now exist should bo given for Road Boards to unite. In these wayo, I think _ that our present system, with some extension of power to local bodies, would be made t.ho most satisfactory one we could provide for the colony. I think also that many powers now exercised by the General Government in Wellington, as successors to the Superintendents, n ight well bo delegated to the local bodies. Those powers were originally intended to bo exercised by the local authority, but when tho provinces wore abolished they necessarily, no doubt, passed to the General Government. Suoh is the genera! direction in which I should propose to deal with the functions of our local bodies. Their second want is the want of money, especially in those carts of the colony whore expensive road works are required. Thero are many districts less fortunately situated in those respects than this is—districts in which tho land is covered with bush, rugged, and of comparatively little value—in which the receipts from land are often small, while the expenditure required on roads ie large. In such districts tho Road Beards are practically brought to a standstill from want of fundo. The Government proposed to deal with this question last session in this way In districts where large areas of Drown lands or of Native lands exist, it is a groat grievance that tho settlors cannot escape ranking roads which improve tho value of both those classes of land, and yet, at present, tho local authorities are unable to rate them. If such were our case in this part of the colony I am sure we should feel it to be a groat grievance. Tho Government, therefore, brought in a Bill last session for rating Drown lands and Native lands. I am sorry we were not able to pass the Bill; but I still think the principle a sound one, and that it should bo given effect to, so that, whore Crown lands and Native lands are benefited byroads carried out by the ratepayers thomsolves,thoso lands should be modo to pay a contribution by way of rates. We proposed to give further assistance. Thus, in the case of a distinctly main road, if a district was willing to rate itself to repay, within a reasonable time, ore-fourth of tho cost, our proposal was that that one-fourth should be advanced by the Government, tho Government itself paying tho other threefourths of the cost of the road. As to district roade, tho Government proposed to lend money for thorn to districts, at' a reasonable rate of interest, and repayable by instalments over thirteen years. I think if these proposals wore carried, as I yet hope they will be, they would meet all the reasonable wants of our local bodies, and enable them to work out the important functions with which they are entrusted. [Applause] Respecting public works, tho Government have boon charged by some inconsiderate persons with doing injury to the colony by a stoppage of works. That wo did put a check upon the expenditure for public works I admit—one reason, amongst others, for cur doing so being that wo could not help it. Wo oamo into office when there was only r. balance of the last loan left, and under conditions which made it impossible wo should borrow more before the end of nest year. Dnless, therefore, wo were to land the colony in a posit on of serious financial difficulty, it was our bounden duty to check the expenditure upon public works ; and it is simply nonsense to try to blame us for doing so. Bat have we really stopped that expenditure, as wc ore charged with doing ? What are tho facto ? For the nine months of 1879 80, after we took office, the expenditure on public works was £1,730,000; and for the twelve months ending 31st March last it was £1,930,000, or, in round numbers two millions. So that the charge against the Government to which I am referring, is an absolute mis-representation. We have had, and we still have, to face the unpleasant task of making tho balance we found available last until the end of 1882. In the meantime, the duty of the Government of the colony will ba to take stock of our position, os it wars—to ascertain carefully what further public works it is necessary or desirable to undertake for the development of the resources of the country, and, also, what further liabilities we can incur without adding seriously to the taxpayers’ burdens. Tho Government should come down to the House next session with a scheme for raising the amount of money they decide the country can fairly afford to raise, and stating the works upon which that money is to bo expended, so that wo shall not borrow money first, and scramb’e for it afterwards. [Applause.] Of course it would be premature, at present, to attempt to indicate in what directions this expenditure ehould take place; but I think two prominent features of any scheme of the kind should be, the completion of the main-trunk lines of railway communication, and the construction of such road works as will open up Drown lands for settlement. [Applause.] I believe that this colony can afford to use its credit still further than it has done. The position of the colony has greatly improved during the last two years. Trade is better, the revenue is improving. One great test of tho prosperity of the people is afforded by the Savings’ Banks deposits; and the state of those deposits is satisfactory, the balance of deposits over withdrawals being again very considerable. The balance of immigration over emigra tion,i n spite ofull the fuss that has been made on the subject, is in our favor ; and altogether the position of the colony is very much more satisfactory than it was at the time of the last general election. [Applause.] I will add a few words upon tho subject of Drown lands settlement. Some of the candidates for election announce, as though it were a great discovery on their part, that every facility should be given for the settlement of tho Crown lands. But this is a matter upon which, as I venture to think, no two opinions exist. I believe it is to the interest of every class of the community that the Drown lands should be disposed of as rapidly as is consistent with securing their beneficial occupation. That is a necessary condition. I challenge inquiry es to what has bean done by the present Government in that direction. We have made the terms of settlement more liberal than they were ; we have placed more land in the market; we have taken stops for making the facilities for settlement more widely known than they were before. For the latter purpose, we have published several editions of the little book I have before mentioned, tho “ Drown Lands Guido,” affording the fullest possible information on tho subject, and showing that the conditions offered are most favorable for every class of settlement. To the large area of land in Otago which will shortly become avoilablo for settlement, I have already alluded, and the general terms upon whicbjwe intend to dispose of that land are being extensively advertised. Among a variety of political theories which have been put forward at tho present election is one for leasing Crown lands, or rather for stopping the sale of Crown lands. It is contended that the cultivotors of land should not bo freeholders but tenants of the Government. Some gentlemen ere very fond of airing now theories, I think, if they studied them a little more they would bo diffident in doing so. It is alleged that by tho proposed system wo should bo greatly relieved in future from taxation —that the land will, before long, acquire such a large increased value that its enhanced rental will enable us to dispense with taxation to a large extent. I am not so sanguine as those theorists are as to tho increase in tho value of land in this colony. But what would bo the effect on tho material progress of the colony itself if tho cultivators of the soil became mere tenant* ? It a tenant holds his land only for ton, fourteen, or twenty ■ one years, and it has then to be put up to auction, it cannot be to his interest to increase tho rental which the land would fetch at the end of that time. Instead of its being to his interest to improve the land itself, he would naturally deveto his

energies to getting as much as he could out of I if. That, 1 think, is obvious. On the other hand, take the case of a man who owns the laud, and who knows that every improvement put upon it will be tho property of himself or hi* children. Such a man has every inducement to improve his land to the utmost. Suppose the case of two adjoining farms, one of which is farmed by a tenant and the other a freeholder; in the very nature of things, at the expiration of tan or fourteen years tho freehold will have been made much more valuable than the farm which is leased. Tho general effect upon tho colony of a system under which the cultivators of the soil were Drown tenants, would, I believe, bo exceedingly injurious. Besides, I do not think such a system could possibly last. What most colonists oamo hero for was not to be mere tenants, but to acquire land for themselves—to be the actual owners of property, which they could transmit to thoir children. If a largo proportion of the electors were in the position of mere tenants, they would before long initiate politicol agitation, which would not cease until they wore enabled to acquire the freehold of their farms, and until the system now proposed was abolished. I should therefore oppose tho introduction of any system under which the settlors in this colony would bo tenants and not freeholders. [Applause.] I will now turn to the Native question. I think you will agree with me that, speaking generally, the position of the Native question has during the last two years undergone a very great improvement. I need not now repeat what I have shown before as to the extent to which the Native Office itself has been purified, and the manner in which on and has been put to the squandering of public money. I may mention, however, that the ordinary expenditure of this department has been reduced from £38,000 a year to £15,000 [applause]—and that that portion of the expenditure which practically escapes the control of Parliament, and which is at the entire disposal of the Minister, namely, the contingencies, has been reduced from £14,000 to £4OOO a year. [Applause.] I believe the Natives are all the better for this reduction. They cease to rely upon Government gifts, and depend upon themselves and their own industry. Tho system adopted by the present Government of letting alone those Natives who were estranged from us ia tho King country has had a most satisfactory result. It has disarmed suspicions which they entertained with regard to tho Government of the colony, and the result has been that the socalled Maori King, Tawhiao, of his own accord, has come into our settlements with a largo number of his followers, and laid his arms down at the feet of the magistrate of the district, expressing his desire, and that of hi* people, henceforth to live at peace with tho Europeans. He is now engaged in making preparations for a meeting, to take place in a month or two's time, and which is to be, according to his wish, the occasion of a general reconciliation of his people with the European settlers of the colony. [Applause,] This is, I think, a matter for very just congratulation. There is, however, one portion of the Native question which is not yet in a satisfactory position, and which is at the present time absorbing a very large amount of the attention of tho colony. It is the slate cf affairs on the west coast of the North Island. Many public men have recognised that this question should not bo made a party one, and I quite appreciate tho manner in which they have dealt with it. But there are others who have not scrupled to endeavor to use this difficulty for party purposes. A political party is, perhaps, justified in endeavoring to make it appear that its opponents do everything they ought not to do, and leave undone everything they ought to do. That is not unnatural, and in political warfare is not considered unfair; but it is unfair that our opponents ehould endeavor, as they have, to make it appear that wo have done that which we have not done, end have loft undone that which we have assuredly done. [Applause and laughter.] Seme of those who nra opposing us on this West Coast matter have been putting forward the most unblushing misrepresentations as to tho conduct of the Government which it is possible to conceive. As these misrepresentations have been made, I shall venture to trouble you with a few facts upon the subject. I will go back to the time when the present Government took office. Wo found that a portion of the confiscated lauds on the West Coast had been offered for sale; that surveyors had been put upon the ground ; that they had been turned off by the Natives, and that everything connected with the question was at a standstill. Our first step was to ascertain what real grievances the Maoris thero had to complain of. We appointed, with the sanction of Parliament, a commission, composed of the best men we could find, to inquire into the whole subject—to get at the bottom of it. They did so, and after very careful inquiry they presented a report which, upon all hands, is admitted to bo a thoroughly excellent one. They stated fully the Maori grievances, which consist chiefly of neglected promises—of promises made, but neglected to bo fulfilled. They stated what remedies they proposed to apply, and they pointed out what land would, after the fulfilment of those promises, be available for settlement. The Government accepted that report, and spared neither time nor trouble in the endeavor to have its recommendations carried out in the most liberal spirit. We appointed the two commissioners themselves to give effect to their report, and when one of them, Sir Dillon Bell, had to leave tho colony, the other, Sir William Fox, was appointed with full power to give effect to the recommendations made. Sir William Fox has been ever since, and ia still, engaged in this work. But how were the Government met by Te Whiti, who has given so much trouble? How were these liberal overtures received by him ? In the first place, as an answer to those who contend that wo are acting illegally, let me remind you that Te Whiti had refused an offer made to him by Sir George Grey’s Government to let tho whole matter go before a Court of Law, the Government finding tho funds necessary for the purpose. Then, he obstinately refused, ho and his followers, to bring their claims before the Commission, or to recognise it in any way whatever. After the Commissioners’ report had been made, we sent a gentleman of large experience in West Coast matters, Mr Parris, to explain fully what tho recommendations of the Commissioners were, ond how the Government were prepared to give effect to them. Ta Whiti refused to allow Mr Parris to speak to the meeting, to which he had gone for those purposes. Then, having understood that ho had constantly said he wished to|meet the Governor, and that to the Governor he would explain his wishes, wo recommended the Governor to send an invitation to Te Whiti to meet him and discuss his grievances. The letter from His Excellency waa a most conciliatory one. This infatuated person, however, refused that invitation. Mr Rollestou, when Native Minister, himself went to Parihaka, with the view of asking Te Whiti what were his claims, and how outstanding grievances on his part could be settled in a peaceable manner. He entirely refused to go into the question. The gist of his reply was this :—“ With regard to the laws of the Government, I have forgotten them; they have no place in tny mind.” He also said that with the work of the Government ho would have nothing to do. Not a complaint did he make that tho Government were not dealing fairly with him—not a word did ho apeak about wanting this or that piece of land for himself or his people ; there was nothing but on ignoring of the position of the Government, That was the attitude this man assumed. It has been said that the recommendations of the Commissioners have not been made known to Te Whiti. I state distinctly that they have; that every word of tho report* and recommendations have been translated and road to him. I have that fact from tho lips of tho gentleman who so read the document. Can it, after that, be said, with any pretence to fairness, that it is tho fault of the Government that no peaceable settlement has been arrived at with To Whiti ? [Applause.] What more could the Government do than they have done, short of saying to this man, “ We will allow you to moke the laws, and wo will obey them.” It hoe been alleged that To Whiti has always worked for peace. It is quite true he has talked a great deal about the desirability of peace; and it is also true that he has not instigated his followers to resist the Government—when tho Government forces were superior in numbers to his own. But his policy was well expressed in a proverb by one of his followers. When asked what Te Whiti’s plan really was, he replied, “Don’t you know ? When the tide is in, we don’t gather pipi* ” (shell-fish). Tho explanation being, “ When your soldiers are hero, we do nothing ; but when your soldiers are away, then ■” wo shall gather pipis. And, accordingly, when the Government, relying upon hi* peaceable declarations, released the whole of the Native pri-

■oners, and returned them to their homes, and also reduced the number of the Armed Constabulary, To Whiti assumed a very different tone. In his speech on the 17th September, as you will no doubt recollect, he used to his followers words to this effect: —“If the Government forces come with guns, you must go with guns. If they strike you, you must strike them. If they take prisoners, you must take prisoners,” and so on. There is no question whatever about this ; and it clearly shows that at this time he thought—and ho was perfectly right in so thinking—that his strength was greater than ours, and, therefore, ho advised resistance to the Government. That is what is called peaoe. [Applause.] Acting on the recommendations given to them, the Natives began to erect fences on land which they were distinctly warned was not set apart for them. The places they had any particular attachment to, such as their old cultivations and burial places, had been reserved for them; the rest was laid off and sold. They disregarded all this; went on cultivating where they liked, and defied the Government officers. At that time they went about this work in such numbers, and assumed such an attitude, that actual bloodshed was only avoided by our submitting to whatever they pleased to do. Colonel Roberts, the commander of the forces, was himself turned back with throats when he was on a Government road. The Natives stopped and stripped armed constabulary drays, and sent them home empty. They turned Bottlers off land that had been purchased from the Government, and destroyed their fences. And all this woe done, not by men who belong to Parihaka, or who protend to have a claim to land there, but by men from other parts of the colony, who were staying at Parihaka. In addition to this To Whiti, as you will no doubt remember, had for a long period sheltered at Parihaka Hiroki, a man against whom there was a warrant out for wilful murder. It is assorted, forsooth, that this was peace—[applause] that To Whiti wished for nothing so much as for peace, and that we were not justified in taking action to coerce him. I contend that it was nothing of the kind, [Applause.] He was peaceable only when it was unsafe to bo otherwise — [applause]—and ho became aggressive when he thought he was strong enough to bo so. The safety of the settlers in the district has only been insured by keeping up of a conciderablo armed force, the cost of which has been a grievous burden on the colony. Under the provocation I have described, what did the Government do ? Did they take advantage of this resistance to show themselves greedy, or disposed to resume the lauds offered to Te Whiti. Nothing of the kind. They once more gave to him a solemn warning, under the hand of the Queen’s representative then in the colony, that there must be a limit put to the time for which the offers made to him would remain open ; that if he would submit to the law like others of the Queen’s subjects the Government would bo ready to deal with him most liberally, and would consider any claims or wishes he might put forward ; but that if he still retained his attitude of defiance and resistance to the law, the offers of tho Government must be considered to be at an end, A word as to what these offers of the Government amounted to. You are led by some people to believe that these Natives are badly off. Well, the West Coast Commissioners reported that the number of natives on that part of the West Coast is about 3000, including men, women, and children. The reserves recommended for and offered to them amount to about £60,000 acres, the value of whioh the Commissioners themselves estimate at £600,000. I have lately seen a gentleman who came from the district, and he assured me that those reserves, if worth a shilling, are worth a million sterling ; and that if the Natives chose, they they cou'd let them at a rental which would make themselves the wealthiest of their class in the colony, and far wealthier than tho average of our European settlers. [Applause.] These offers were made again and again, as I have stated, to these infatuated people ; but they would never accept them, or conform to tho law. The Government, therefore, had no alternative but to enforce tho law. We took steps to do that whioh our opponents contended we should have done; wo arrested Te Whiti under a Magistrate’s warrant for a breach of the law. [Applause.] We also took steps to compel strangers, who had no business at Parihaka, and were practically trespassers on Crown lands, to return to their own homes. We took the precaution, before doing this, to collect so large a force on the coast, that the Natives might see that resistance was hopeless. [Applause.] If wo had really not bean regardful of their lives—if we had not shrunk from shedding one drop of blood the shedding of which could be avoided—we should not have thought it necessary to put so large a force as wo did upon the coast. There are those who laugh at us for having had so many men there ; but we employed this large force out of consideration to the Natives themselves —[applause]—in order that they might see at once that resistance was hopeless. The constabulary, armed as they are with superior weapons, would have been quite sufficient to deal with any opposition if we had not been most anxious to avoid the actual use of weapons. We believed, and, as it turned out, believed truly, that if we could mass a large body of troops there the Natives would shrink from resistance. [Applause.] Tho result has amply justified the steps we have taken. The Natives who had come from other places to Parihaka are being dispersed. The greater number of them are on their way to their homer, and when those who remain submit to the law, but not before, they will find us prepared to deal with them in a just, considerate, and even generous manner. [Applause.] It is a base calumny on the Government and people of New Zealand to say that we are endeavoring to oppress or to rob the Natives. If the history of this colony is truly written it will be recorded that in no instance has an aboriginal race received fairer treatment and more consideration at the hands of European settlers than has been the case in New "Zealand. [Applause.] I should not be doing justice to my feelings if I left this subject without expressing my appreciation of the conduct of the volunteers of New Zealand in this emergency. For their services so loyally and promptly tendered, and for the public spirit they displayed, I think they deserve our warmest thanks. Not one of those men was ordered to leave his home. Every one of them actually volunteered. Spontaneous offers of service were received by the Government from nearly all parts of the colony, and to an extent greater than we could avail ourselves of. Those who left their business at an exceedingly short notice, cheerfully came from parts of the colony which were not in any way threatened or affected by the disturbances, and they came in such numbers as enabled the Government to achieve the euecess whioh has so far been accomplished. The conduct of the Volunteers during the time they have been on duty has been excellent, and they have submitted without a murmur to privations and discomfort whioh were inevitable under the circumstances. They have, I think, done that whioh has not only been of great service in this particular emergency, but whioh has another and important value. They have shown that in the volunteers of New Zealand we have a force of well-trained and well-armed men, on whioh the Government can depend in any emergency which may arise. [Applause.] There are other subjects upon which I would have wished to speak, but I have exhausted my time, and I am afraid I have exhausted your patience. I shall, however, bo very glad to answer questions upon other subjects which I have not dealt with. I should mention, with regard to tho question of railway management, that I have not gone into that subject, because I understand some questions are to be asked of me, and I think it better to deal with the subject as a whole and not piecemeal. I will just say, however, that a rcvLion of the tariff as affecting grain is under the consideration of the Government. It has not been included in the late alterations, because the grain season is not yet at hand, but the change will bo carried into effect before the beginning of the grain season. [Applause ] Gentlemen, I have now stated unreservedly my opinions upon most of the public questions which will occupy the attention of the next Parliament. I will briefly recapitulate with regard to tho more important of them what I think should be done. I think that, the second Chamber should bo preserved, but that it should be made elective. I think that the proceedings of the House of Representatives should be modified with a view of checking waste of time by unreasonable length and numbers of speeches, and of ensuring the proper despatch of business. I think we should persevere in a policy of economy and retrenchment. By this means, and by the augmenting revenue arising out of increased prosperity, we shall bo able to further relieve the taxation of the country. I think we should studiously avoid any-

thing whioh might injuriously affect the public credit, and make such moderate use of that credit at the end of next year as will provide for the progress of public works necessary for developing tho resources of the colony. I think we should encourage by every legitimate means local industries and the settlement of the waste lands. We should improve the constitution of existing local bodies, and transfer to them some powers now vested in the Colonial Government. I believe we should in all oases treat the Natives with consideration and generosity, but should firmly repress any resistance to the law. This is not perhaps a very sensational programme. I might amuse you and endeavour to catch votes by what I may call a programme of political fireworks, affording a prospect of a short blsze of prosperity based on a lavish expenditure of borrowed money. Bn": I know that would have to be atoned for, as it has been in times past, by a protracted period of gloom and depression. If I cannot win this election without resort to political artifices of that kind, then I shall be content to lose it. [Loud cheers.] The platform upon which I wish to stand, while it is a substantial and a safe one, is also a platform of progress. In a now country tho functions of Government should not bo confined merely to the protection of life and properly. They should extend to colonising the country, to inducing the introduction of a population to occupy its a waste lands and to developing its natural resources. And in Now Zealand, gentlemen, we have a land worthy of our best efforts in that direction. We have a land blessed above most others as regards climate, soil, and abundance of resources, whioh, by a policy of steady, energetic, and prudent progress, may bo made the prosperous home not only of our children, but of a large multitude of out fellow countrymen. [Applause.] These are my opinions on the principal questions of the day. If they meet with your approvol, and if, from what you know of my public conduct in the past, you believe that I am likely in future to do good service to you and to the colony, I shall feel it a great honor to be again elected your representative. Mr Hall resumed his seat amidst loud and continued applause, having spoken for two hours and ten minutes.

A groat many questions were then put to Mr Hall, this part of the proceedings occupying nearly an hour and a half. The principal questioners were—Mr John McLachlan, Mr John Lambie, Mr Lockhead, Mr A. McLaohlan, Mr Jones, and Mr Forsyth. Many of the matters referred to were only of local interest.

Mr Hall’s replies may be summarised as follows :—Tho extent of the reduction in tho railway tariff, as regarded grain, was now under the consideration of the Government, who were anxious to give as muoh relief as possible, without too great a sacrifice of public revenue. Ho could not honestly say he thought the Gaming and Lottoriee Act was an unjustifiable interference with the liberties of the people. It might perhaps have gone rather too for in some particulars, but the temptations held out to young men to gamble were much to be deprecated, and the extent to which they were in that way led away from steady industry was very mischievous. He agreed that the present bankruptcy law was not a satisfactory one, and explained that the Government were prevented from proceeding with a Bill on the subject last session partly owing to the waste of time which had occurred and partly from a desire to await the passing of a now bankruptcy law which was under consideration in England. He did not think that the system of dividing the colony into railway districts, with the view of obviating tho existing state of things, under whioh those living in districts where tho railways were remunerative were obliged to pay for the deficiencies in other districts, would be practicable, It would involve a variety of tariffs, and lead to the greatest contusion ; if a district was made liable for any deficiency arising from the working of a railway, it should be allowed to regulate the tariff in that district. Under such a system each separate branch railway would probably have to form tho centre of a district. There was considerable misapprehension as to the results of the working of railways in Canterbury, It was true that as a whole they returned a very good interest, but the branch lines did not pay interest. Take tho case of the Southbridge line for instance. The profits on that lino only paid interest on the cost of construction to the extent of 3] per cent., and the balance between that and 5 per cent, had to be found out of tho general taxation. The railways, whether for better or worse, were now colonial property, and must be dealt with accordingly. He admitted that the grain-growing districts were entitled to some relief. Although he could not then say what the new rates would be, he could state that they would probably be lower than any grain tariff that had yet been in operation, and that they would be brought into force before the commencement of the grain season. _ [Applause.] He would not move in the direction of placing the management of the railways into the hands of local bodies. It must be obvious that a railway system extending from one end of the colony to the other must be managed upon some uniform system and have one head, or else utter confusion would result. [Applause.] In reference to distraint for rent he thought a landlord should only have the same remedy that other creditors had. The public works and immigration policy might have had something to do with the imposition of the property tax, but that was a question of opinion. No doubt the railways did not return, over and above working expenses, the whole cost of the interest, but on the other hand they had largely developed the resources of the colony, had increased its population, and added to its revenue. It was exceedingly difficult to say whether or not the expenditure on railways, or other circumstances, had necessitated the imposition of the property tax. Taking it on the whole it wos doubtful whether that necessity had not rather arisen from expenditure under other heads in the public works scheme. With regard to triennial Parliaments they would recollect that when he first appeared before them be stated frankly that he would prefer a Parliament whioh would last four years. Admitting, however, that there was a large preponderance of public opinion in favor of the triennial system, it was only right that it should bo tried. He much doubted now whether the preponderance of opinion was in favor of triennial Parliaments. He did not say he would vote for abolishing the system, but must decline to give any pledge on the subject. He believed that a simplification of the mode of procedure in the law courts, with a view to saving expense to suitors, was exceedingly desirable. The reports of the Commission appointed to consider this question had now reached the Government, and ho had no doubt that during next session alterations in the law would be effected, based upon those reports. [Applause.] He had already stated reasons why bethought it would be a very impolitic step for the colony to resort to the system of electing its Governor. The Governor should not owe his election to any party in the colony, but be independent of all parties, and hold the balance of power fairly between them. He hoped to see the time when the election of members to the House of Representatives should be conducted upon Haro’s system, but it was desirable that it should be better understood by tho people at large than it was now, before being adopted.lt would be a very good commencement to try the system in the election of the Legislative Council. It it gave satisfaction there it might bo applied to the House of Representatives. In this he was only expressing his own individual opinion. He was not in favor of abolishing the honorarium to Legislative Councillors, because to do so would be to render possible the attendance in the Upper Chamber only of men of property. They should not make it impossible for a poor man to be a member of tho Legislative Council, and for that reason it was not desirable to abolish the honorarium. With regard to giving assistance to schools not under the jurisdiction of tho Education Boards, provided they passed the inspector, ever since he had taken part in public affairs ho had boon in favor of some such system, and was so still. When he joined the Government ho reserved to himself the right of voting in favor of a proposal of this kind if it should bo made. At the same time, it was not tho proposal of tho Government, but if any such proposition wore made he would vote for it. Without raising tho question of freetrado and protection, he would state generally that, looking to tho desirability of encouraging in their infancy new industries in this colony, he did not think the present tariff was an unfair or unreasonable one. The duties wore chiefly on articles of luxury, halt the Customs taxation being levied on spirits, wine, and tobacco. Take it altogether, tho present tariff was a very fair one, considering tho amount of revenue that had to be raised. Mr J. Gardener moved the following resolution :—“ That this meeting expresses its thanks to Mr Hall for his address and its con-

fidence in him as tho representative of tho Selwyn district.” Mr John McLaohlan seconded. Although he did not agree with all Mr Hall’s opinions, he regarded him as without exception the best men they could get to represent their varied interests.

Tho resolution was then put to the meeting and carried unanimously, amidst applause. Mr Hall heartily thanked the electors for their vote of confidence, and said that for reasons which they would well understand he would be extremely gratified if returned without a contest.

Tho meeting terminated with a vote of thanks to the chairman. MR O’NEILL AX ADDINGTON. Mr O’Neill addressed the electors at Mr Baber’s grain store, Addington, on Friday last, Mr F. M. Walker being in tho chair. He defined the term Conservative, quoting from dictionaries in order to show tho meaning of the term, and contended that it was necessary to have a Conservative party in New Zealand. He then went through the principal topics of his speech at Merivale, and avowed himself a strong supporter of the Hall Government, and stated that electors must choose between that Government and the Grey party. On the motion of Mr Bain, seconded by Mr Neck, a vote of thanks was given to Mr O’Neill for his address. MR O’REILLY AT ASHBURTON. [FROM OWN COHBEgPONDBNT.J ASHBURTON, November 20. On Saturday evening Mr F. P. O'Reilly, tho fourth candidate for the Wakanui constituency, addressed a crowded meeting in Town Hall, and received a patient hearing. There was no chairman, owing, as Mr O'Reilly alleged, to the Mayor’s absence from Ashburton, nor was any vote tendered at the conclusion of tho address, Mr O'Reilly promises a detailed expression of his political views at a future date. Mr O’Reilly having made reference to Mr Hughes, who gave evidence in tho recent case Ivess v O’Reilly, Mr Hughes stepped on the platform and deprecated Mr O’Reilly’s candidature os a sham, adding that no man had a right to turn the privileges conferred by the Legislature on electors into ridicule. Mr Hughes was loudly cheered. In reply to Mr .Thomas Williams, of Tinwald, Mr O’Reilly paid it was a deliberate and malicious lie if any one accused him (O'Reilly) of receiving £SO to stand, and so split, up Mr Ivess’ votes.