THE CHEVIOT ELECTION.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2378, 16 November 1881, Page 3

THE CHEVIOT ELECTION.

A meeting of electors of this district, at which about 250 were present, was held on Monday evening, in the Town Hall at Amberley, Messrs Saunders, Feudal!, and Mclllraitb, being announced to deliver addresses. Mr C. Ensor was voted to the chair. The Chairman stated that it had been arranged for Messrs Saunders, Fendall, and Mclllraith to address the meeting in the order named, an honr being allowed to each ; after which questions might be put and replies given. He congratulated the district on being fortunate enough to have so many as three candidates. Mr Alfred Saunders said, on coming forward, that he was sorry to find that he was compelled to be the first man to address the meeting. He had anticipated that they would have adopted the plan of drawing lota, and that he might have stood a chance of speaking later on ; but it now seemed that the oldest candidate was to speak first, and the others would have a chance of specially directing their remarks to him. So far as could be learnt, however, there seemed little difference between the views of any of them, and possibly had he spoken after the others he would only have had to say ditto ditto to many of their points. He went on to say that a candidate for election in the colony labored under the disadvantage, where there was no clear definition of parties, of being unable to decide whether he might consider himself a liberal or conservative. In the old country, when a man said ho followed Gladstone or Disraeli it was clear at once to which side he belonged, but it appeared as if the Government of this colony and the Opposition had drifted into a state of political Ufa for which there was no real name forthcoming. He had been trying to sketch out what had boon aimed at by the leaders of public opinion in New Zealand, and, by way of comparison, he would say that the Liberals of Great Britain had aimed at —(1) Abolition of rotten boroughs, or the establishment of a fairly equal representation of the people ; (2) a low property qualification for votes, or a full reproientation of the middle classes ; (3) repeal of the corn laws, and the establishment of free trade and unfettered commerce; (4) Negro and Catholic emancipation, or equal liberty to aU races and to all religions sects ; (5) the abolition of sinecures, pensions and patronage, and all methods of bribing the people’s representatives or supporting mere drones on the industry of the working classes ; and (6) ne aggressive wars, and no increase of national debt in time of peace. This was the liberal programme in England; and while he entirely agreed with that code, ho also found himself agreeing with the six points of the people’s charter—(l) Universal suffrage ; (2) vote by ballot; (3) annually elected Parliaments; (4) no property qualification ; (5) equal electorates ; and (6) payment of members of Parliament. In New Zealand, the proposals of those who called

themselves liberals were—(l) To sacrifice all farmers and miners to nphold a few manufacturers ; (2) to give to the towns a preponderance of the representation equally injnrions to themselves and the country ; (3) to fatten a host of civil servants by taxes extracted from farmers and farm laborers; (4) to put special taxes on land, farmers, and farm stock, in order to exempt from taxation town property, and the pictures, jewellery, and furniture of the wealthy; (5) to exclude all men from the Government whose ability has given them a position in the past, lest we should establish a “ governing family ” ; and (6) to repudiate Crown grants signed by the Governor, to destroy all security in acquired property, and to make it a crime ta hold more than 1000 acres of land. [Laughter.J Xhat_ seemed to be the “ liberal ” code. At one time he resented any other term than that of Liberal as applied to him, and, even down to the Chartist lines, he would now with people of advanced ideas be probably considered a Conservative. He felt free to express his opinions, as none of the candidates for Cheviot came within the lines of being Liberals. Nevertheless, it was his intention to support, if elected, the following six points of his programme (I), Strict economy in Government, within their means —[hear, hear]— (2), placing power in the hands of those who made the colony their home rather than in the hands of land speculators, roving traders, or miners or habitual paupers ; (3). driving neither capital nor labor away by class legislation or class taxation; (4), encouraging agricultural and mining productions at a rate cheap enough for export, and carrying them to market at the smallest possible cost; (5), securely keeping the population they had rather than incurring debts to introduce population to be driven away with taxation; and (6), allowing each locality to receive and expend its own money, and not leaving each to scramble all it could get from a colonial purse. In the first place, for about fourteen years the colony had not heen living within its means. It had been borrowing largely and creating an artificial prosperity His impression was that if public affairs had been conducted with more prudence the railways and public works could have been constructed out of the land fund, and thus the one and a half millions which had to be paid at present for interest would have heen saved to the country. He had yet to find out what advantage the country derived from the enormous staff of civil servants, many of whom could be imore profitably employed, and paid well at half their present rate of wages. In this connection he saw that Mr Ormond at Waipawa had'etated “he had forced the Government to save .£250,000 a year by the reductions effected in the civil service, which was more than his opposing candidates conld do in 50,000 years,’] and further on that “ he had forced that redaction on the Government.” Now, wt’le Mr Ormond assisted he was hardly entitled intake the credit wholly for effecting the saving. When any question was carried by a majority of one, that _ single individual might claim to say, “ I did it,” but the fact was that when the Colonial Treasurer spoke of the reductions, Mr Ormond seemed barely to realise the extent of the re lections, and as the Premier had said it was greatly owing to the Civil Service Commissioners’ report, of which commission he, Mr Saunders, was a member, that the saving of abont a quarter of a mil l ion of money annnally was brought about. Thosa who prepared that report might not taka all the credit, but they were entitled to a share in it. Bis feeling went as stated in that report in favor of a 19] per cent, reduction ; and at a meeting of Government supporters the session before last he frankly told them he con d aa longer support the Government unless the reductions were persisted in. [Cheers.] Owing to his action the Government sent to ask h : m t a agree to a compromise at 10 per cent., and with that he cordially coincided. In the House he had acquired the reputation of being considered the Jcj Hume, and te trusted if again elected he should still go in as an economist, to watch in every way the public expenditure, and to endeavour to keep the same within the ordinary revenue, so as ta avoid crashing taxation, which might have a tendency to drive persons from the country. [Cheers, i In respect to the votes for the higher salaries, he proposed a redaction of £2OO on that of the Speaker, £2OO from the clerk, and £3OO from the chairman of committees. He supported the proposal for nonpayment of members of the Legislative Council, which would have effected a saving of £10,03, and the reduction of the honorarium of members of the House from £2OO to £IOO each session, which would have meant a saving of another £IO,OOO. It was foolish to imagine that they conld go on spending money on public buildings, schools, post offices, and Court honsea at sn extravagant rate. Last session £600,000' was voted for this purpose, and it was now time that this should come to an end. [Cheers.] Going on to speak of the delay in talking and “ stonewalling,” he read with pleasure the Eon. J. Hall’s observations “that the possibility of so dangerous an abuse of the forms of the House ought to be removed, so far as is consistent with the preservation of entire liberty of hona fide discussion.” [Cheers.] The scenes of last session were not only waste of time, but degrading to the country. He could not quite follow the Premier in his remarks in respect te the public finance, although he had most honestly, zealously, and with painstaking patience, brought common sense to bear on reducing the expenditure. Mr Hall followed, his Colonial Treasurer, apparently, in his ideaaof borrowing, and he blamed the Premier forcausing it to be implied that tbe colony was living within its means when it was a fact that they were spending £600,000 over the revenue, which amount would have to be made np by some means, probably additional taxation. Ha maintained that strict economy conld injure no one, bnt increased taxation was prone te bring about a disastrous state of affairs, which it would be difficult to redeem—[cheers]—and would fall as a heavy burden on those who might elect to remain (or conld not emigrate from tbe colony. [Cheers. 1 He objected to placing power in the hands of those powerful persons the land speculators, the roving traders and miners, and habitual paupers. [Laughter.] One part of this wan seen in tbe Electoral Bill. Discussing that Bill, it was argued that the basis of population ought to include the women and children, in which case the miners and rovers would have been included, bnt now, as it included only tbe male population on certain restrictions, the d : ggera and the storekeepers—a set of men who followed up, and were always urging for, public expenditure, which came to their benefit, werethus checked. He was in favor of the universal suffrage extended to aU who came to sett'e in the colony, but not those who came only for a temporary period. [Cheers.] On the question whether an elector should to entitled *■* registration on two or more roHs, and therebyentitled to give, if it were possible, ninety-four votes, he did not agree with it. It was no; likely that they would object to two or three votes, bat it was unfair that the tich should, have an nnproportioned rpower to that of the poor man. He found that the most important reforms in the country had come from the middle classes. There was a tendency often for the upper to lead the lower classes, but as a mis the steady voting power of a country appeared to come from the middle •lasses. He did not agree with votes being attached to large estates, or yet to the persons who were always in a state of locomotion. [Cheers.] Mr Saunders then denounced in round terms the kind of individuals in the country whom he referred to as hereditary paupers. He did not wish to raise any partycry, for it was undesirable to drive away the population by class legislation. If it was wanted to injure tbe working men, nothing was easier than to drive away capitalists by imposing on them such provisions as that of the Land BUI of some sessions ago, which, after it was passed and the rate put at a halfpenny, the Premier of the day said it conld be as easily raised to fonrpence, which meant a tax equal to 32 per cent. The effect of this was in the direction of causing persons to withdraw their capital, and money rates went up to 12 and 14 per cent., while tha price of land went down. This was one instanceof reckless class legislation. On the other hand, if it was wished to injure the land owners, nothing was more simple than to drive away labor by legislation directed against it. And there could be no greater clap trap ornonsense than that of putting class against class. Each had to bear certain burdens, which should be relieved as much as possible to the advantage of all concerned, and ho should in his aims study never to injure either the capitalist or laborer. | Cheers.] As a poor man himself, they might depend that he should attend to the wants off those who were struggling to get along in the country. He supported the £SC3 exemption on the property tax for the reason that aa the poor men paid higher retn-ns to the Customs than the richer ones, it was bnt right that they should in this way receive a certain amount off relief. With respect to encouraging agricultural and mining productions, and taking the same to. market at a cheaper rate, the question of protection and free trade would come in here. Aa the representative of an agricultural constituency, he should resist all attempts at protection. It was difficult in the time allotted to sp-ak at length on this important subject. Supposing twenty-five producers settled in a district in which they had to live by the produce of the soil exported to a foreign market, and a. tailor, shoemaker, and. candle maker settled among them, would it be fair for the producers to be expected to submit to have the price of their clothes, boots, and lights taxed for the personal benefit of these men i No decidedly not. It would be better for these producers to do without the three other parties named. [Cheers.] Nearly every candidate in. the election time annonneed himself a free trader, the principles of which he would apply to every requisite, except probably some article or manufacture in which he was personally interested. [Laughter.] They ought to follow out free trade in a country like this, and; they ought to go into manufactures when these manufactures could be made within the range of tbe country. It would, ho contended, ba la bad day for ths colony when it came to be a country which manufactured easily exported articles. In order to pay tbe interests on the debt, the colony must.

be a large exporter of produce, and it was vastly hotter that it should be a producer in the true sense of the word than a manufacturer. Better for them to do without the manufactures till the colony whs prepared for them. There were, however, some branches of manufacture which it was advisable to foster, and which ho would be as ready us any one to help, but not to foster thorn by placing burdens oa the agriculturists, [Cheers.l The railway rates, ha felt afraid, wero being kept at the highest which the Government could collect; and so from charging the highest price for carriage the Government ought to try to charge the lowest rato possible. [Cheers.] The Government was not m a position to judge the effect of high rates of freights, and it might happen that if a high rate was imposed just as the grain had been sown, and farmers might he compelled to send it away bv the lines at harvest, yet next season if the freights wore still maintained at too high a rate, it would be fonnd that the farmers would not have anything like the quantity to seed away. The object to bo sought after was to induce cultivators to cultivate their land, and not drive distant lands further away, as it were, frotn market. [Cheers.] With reference to keeping the population in the colony, it was a regular thing to point to the advantages of Vogel's public works policy as having_ advanced the country. Now, while lie maintained that all the works done under it could have been done without that scheme of borrowing, greater care should have been exercised in the conduct of immigration and the settling of the immigrants on the land, but it was now stated that the other colonies were not assisting immigration, as they could got plenty from New Zealand. Eegarding the leaving of each locality to spend its own revenue, and doing away with the system of scramble which went on at Wellington, it seemed preferable that the former course should he followed than that the cities and towns which had the largest representation should get more than their share of public monies, and which were devoted often to purposes different from what was intended. He could not see his way to a most thorough system of economy till this scrambling was put a stop to. Members now felt that the greatest satisfaction they could give their constituents was to get for them the largest sums possible, whether were to be spent to the advantage of the district or the colony being quite a secondary affair. More than half of the present expenditure of public snouey would be done away with if tho colonists only had to put their hands into their pockets to pay it direct. While this state of things prevailed, it was difficult to get a honest Government. A combination of twenty Otago members, for instance, wanted a work like the Central Kailway made; they made a stand against the Government, and it must either give way or resign, and in the majority of cases the former course was adopted. This state of things had a most hurtful effect upon the people, and if the sums raised iu tho districts were expanded in them it would be done away with. In ;tho case of the Cheviot district, it paid a large amount of the property tax, and was only represented by one member, who was at a disadvantage in obtaining any returns of the -sums raised. For some years they had been unfairly treated in this respect, but of late they lad seen a better state of affairs. As the representative ol the Cheviot, he should always protest against this money being all taken quite away. [Cheers.] He considered tho Koad Boards and County Councils too much alike. The former ought to remain and the latter he extended in their powers of management, to take charge of charitable institutions, waste lands, hospitals, and so forth. Though never an advocate for a return to provincial institutions, he did not approve of the division of the public funds at Wellington. In conclusion, his past acts lad been before them, and the new candidates were as yet untried. If they fonnd their views accorded with theirs they would certainly be doing right in electing them ; but if he had failed for want of power and judgment, he might say that during the forty years io had bean in the public service he had never failed in any of his efforts for want of assiduous attention to the duties he had undertaken. [Loud cheers.] Mr W. C. Fendall, who was well received, said he had been bo well supported at the last elections that he had decided ha would come forward again. He was then a candidate for the Ashley district, and as a large part was included in tho Cheviot he now came forward as a candidate for that district. One reason for bis coming forward was to represent the farming interest—not to the detriment of any other —bnt ba considered that the farming interest wanted representation. There was a certain amount of advantage too in a representative of a district being resident in it, bo as to be accessible at all times and fully acquainted with the wants of the people and district. If every electoral district in the colony were represented in that way, the country would he well cared for. He should take first what Mr Saunders had touched on last, namely the question of local self-govern-ment. He agreed cordially with Mr Saunders in thinking that the moneys raised in the district should be spent there. His idea was, that the counties ought to he enlarged. Bo disapproved o£ the abolition of the Koad Boards, and did not agree with receiving everything from Wellington. The Couuty Councils should be made more like the Provincial Councils—to bave the management of hospitals and other similar institutions, and to divide the funds to •the Bead Boards. Ha was pleased to sea that the Roads Construction Bill was not passed, as he tbonght its operation wonld have been detrimental to the best interests of the colony. Eegarding the railway tariff, they would all agree with what Mr Saunders had said, and his opinion was that the rates could be redneed to one-half. The management of the fines should be placed in tho bands of a non-political board of directors. Farmers were greatly overweighted in this matter, bnt he felt glad that by means of their clubs and the Co-operative Association they were beginning to take a larger interest in matters affecting their welfare. The farmers of that district had much to thank their worthy chairman for in this respect, so far as they were concerned, and he hoped in the future good results would obtain from the steps recently taken. Eegarding education, he was in favor of the free, secular and compulsory system. An attempt in some directions had been made to bring about a return to the denominational system. This ho should strongly resist. [Cheers.] He thought the vote of £250,000 for the promotion of education a sufficient sum, without going in for farther expenditure for capitation. There might be some changes made in the management of the schools, and children brought up in Government schools should have the advantage also of some religions and moral training. He objected strongly to the cumulative system of voting for the election of school committees, and would, if elected, do his best to remedy a pernicious system, which in some districts allowed one man to elect whom he chose as a member of the committee. [Relative to taxation, he preferred the property to the land and income taxes. The income tax, he understood, was difficult to get at, and so inquisitorial as to be very objectionable. He agreed with Mr Saunders in the necessity for economy in public funds, but thought they had, in respect to tho 10 per cent, redaction, begun at the wrong end in making the reduction an all-round one, taking it off the lower salaries and daily wages at the same rate jas from larger salaries. [Cheers.] He was in favor of retaining the population as much as possible in order to assist in reducing the taxation and increase the productiveness of the country. Lately he ascertained that many persons were leaving for England who were persona with capital from £SOO to .£IOOO each. The failure of Vogel’s scheme seemed to ba that it was not carried out in its entirety. It was well while the works went on, hat enough attention had not been given to settling the people on the land. The large estates in this district amounted to 276.000 acres, held in estates of over 26,000 acres each. This, he argued, could not be for tho good of the country. A large portion was lich agricultural land, on which farmers ought to be settled ; and the country, which for the most part carried sheep, ought to be made available for families. The prosperity of France was due to the number of small holdings. While there tho land was fnlly occupied, here they saw thousands of acres given np to carrying a scanty flock of sheep. He was favorable to a progressive tax on this class of land. In the Oamaru district no less than three parts of the country was held in seven freehold estates, and a great port of Canterbury was so held, the Now Zealand Land Association having no less than 130.000 acres alone, practically locked up. If people had been settled on these lands the taxes would have been made lighter for tho others. He did not desire to see repudiation of the Crown grants, though Mr Stafford had indicated that steps wonld have to be taken to resume possession of lands remaining in an unproductive state. He was favorable to electing the Upper House. He disagreed with allowing any man to enrol on every roll in the colony, even if ho were entitled to do so, and should restrict the number of districts in which one person could veto at a general election to two. Regarding the innholders’ leases, which expire shortly, the agricultural lands ought to be classed and sold, and the pastoral country, he considered, wiuld return a revenue by being lot by tender an lease with conditions for improvements. If .elected, he should attend generally and closely to the dnties of their representation, and thanked them for their patient hearing. [Cheers.] The Chairman said that Mr Mclllraith was too ill to attend. He had exerted himself at the Christchurch Show, and having been unwell for some time, had suffered a temporary relapse. As he waa not able to appear, it was understood •that his address would be sent dowa for the morning papers. Mr Saunders, in reply to questions, said To Mr D. Robertson : It was unadvisablo that religion should be taught ia the public schools. [Cheers.] He was opposed to the pensions, and some of those who drew them wore better able fo afford to do without them than the taxpayers were able to pay them. He regretted that the

Amending Pension Bill agreed to unanimously by tho Lower was rejected by the Upper House. The pension list might amount to nearly .1120,000. Ho should again try to introduce the Protection of Crops Bill, with a view to assisting farmers to cope with the small birds nuisance. He would ho glad to see the West Coast railway made if it would pay. Ho objected to tho return of the 10 per cent, to the higher paid officials. A number of written questions were handed in, to which Mr Saunders replied— It wonld be a dangerous power to give the manager full power to make arrangements for trafficonrailways. Ho wnsnotinfavorof uniform traffic rates. Was in favor of the appointment of a Minister of Agriculture with Minister of Lauds combined. Mr Jesse Wilson wanted to know if tho Government should not ba boiled down for its fat? [Laughter.] Mr Saunders observed that they were not a fat lot. [Loud laughter ] To Mr Robertson—Mr Wright worked hard to set asido tho £„li0,000 for New Plymouth harbor, and he was afraid the work would never ho done for that sum, lo Mr H. J. Hall—Never employed any man to canvass for are quisition in the Wakanui district, and was taking stops to discover tho same, as well as the party who had set him on. While ho had a number of good friends, and could have been returned for Wakanni, ho preferred to remain true to his own district. [Cheers J To Mr Scrimgoour—Tho votes ho had obtained for the district that year wore —Waiau bridge, to Waiau, £1500; and Kaikonra wharf, about £ISOO. Mr McDonald contended that the vote for the Waiau bridge was due to a petition sent to Mr Stevens. Mr Saunders said he was not aware of the petition, and tho grants wero made on his representations. Mr Fendall, in reply to Mr Greenwood, said ho could not say much about the Native question, as he was not acquainted with their customs or the facts of tho present dispute, which were somewhat difficult to arrive at. [A Voice— Send them to the squatters to work for 3s a day.] [Laughter.] To Mr Robertson—lf the railway when opened to Hurunui did not pay, steps should be taken to tax the land, some of which was bought at 10a an acre, and waa being held till it advanced in value to £2O per acre. Mr Saundera, in reply to Mr Greig, said the frontages to sections on land in the district could not be got at till the arrears of survey were brought up. He was taking action in tho matter. To Mr Bern —The principal centra of tho district ought to be the place for registration. He had asked for polling places at Green hills, Hurunni, and Hanmer plains, but they were not notified. Mr McDonald —Did yon hold a meeting in a public-house at Waiau ? Mr Saunders— few of my friends met mo there, and we had a'sort of conversation, which waa reported as if a meeting had been held, but I refused to have a chairman appointed. To Mr McDonald—Supported the present Government rather than a return to Grey and Mnoandrew, who were hardly fit to be trusted with a £lO note. [Laughter.] Waa superintendent of Nelson in its good times. It prospered more then than it had since. Did oppose the low price at which land was sold in Nelson. To Mr Rutherford —Should hardly favor on income tax, which was a sort of tax on honesty. To Mr Greenwood —Mr MoForlane stated that ho had been misinformed as to my retirement, and therefore signed Mr MclUraith’s requisition. Mr McDonald hero handed in a letter from Mr McFarlane, in which that gentleman exonerated Mr McDonald from any stigma of misrepresentation. Mr Lewton—-Why did Mr Saunders not declare for the district till Mr Mclllroith’s requisition was got np? Mr Saunders again repeated that he hod declared his intention in March last at the Waikari Mr Fendall here said ho came forward, believing that Mr Saunders was not coming out, and it had been so stated iu the morning papers. On the motion of Mr McDonald a vota of thanks was accorded to the candidates, and a like compliment to the chairman terminated a most orderly and good-humored meeting.