THE ELECTIONS.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2367, 3 November 1881, Page 3

THE ELECTIONS.

ME O'NEILL AT MEBIVALE. Mr A. W. O'Neill addressed the electors of St. Albans last sight at the Merivalo schoolroom. There was a moderate attendance and the ohair was taken by Mr R. P. Bain, who briefly introduced the candidate. Mr O'Neill, on coming forward, was received with cheers. He said that the ordinary addresses of candidates consisted of two parts —an egotistical and a political part. The adoption of the first was generally owing to the faot that the candidate was unknown. Such was his case, so he would proofed with his egotistical remarks. He waited for someone to come forward to represent the district in the Government interest. Meanwhile two candidates were capering about the political field showing rather erratic and liberal colors. Like Cincinnatus, he had left his turnip fields —in his case represented by his wife and family—to come forward in the Conservative interest. He did not oome forward, like some candidates, with a complete list of qualifications. His highest title to their suffrages was the fact that he was a son of an old colonist, who once represented an Auckland electorate in the House of Representatives, and was afterwards a member of the Legislative Council. He had given tbe subject of politics somo attention. He also had the honor of being a Baohelor of Arts of a university whose walls had listened to the eloquence of Burke, Gruttan, O'Connell, and Whitesides ; and although the University of Dublin listened with a rather inattentive ear to O'Neill, yet she always called him child, and he regarded her as his mother university. He held as high an opinion as anybody of the importance of the mission of women. Lastly, he confessed he was a lawyer. This might be an objeotion with somo people, but it was almost impossible to deal with some reforms without having lawyers in the House. There were lawyers and lawyers, and if the status of the profession were kept up there would be fewer complaints. He would now address himself to the political part of his subject. With reference to general politics, he thought they would admit that it was essential to the working of our present constitution that there should be two partios in the State, it mattered not what they were called. These two parties represented the conserving

and tho altering element. He would, for simplicity sake, call them conservative and liberal. Candidates should say to which party they would give their allegiance. Most candidates, and particularly those professing liberal views, wriggled on this eubjeofc; and j they had reason to do so, for their party had no head. They ignored Sir G. Grey, who however claimed them all as his own. He proposed to be a conservative and a Btaunch supporter of the Hall Government, who he thought were entitled to the confidence of the electors. They had managed the ship of State bo far faithfully, and they deserved credit, not so much for what tney had done, and that was much, as for what they would have done but for the obstruction of the Opposition. They had done the country good Bervice in showing a bold front to the claptrap, hysterical and morbid legislation of Sir Q-. Grey. It was a pity Sir G. Grey had entered the political arena. The result had be6n that he was now ignored by his own party, and looked upon with suspicion by thoße in power. What would be the consequence if the Grey party assumed office, particularly in regard to two subjects—land and loans ? Under the head of special politics, about which both sides should be agreed, he would embrace the following: —Counties, Road Boards, drainage, public health, hospitals, and local taxation. With regard to the counties, it was admitted that, although the system worked fairly well, it was open to improvement, [the staff of officials being too large and expensive—there were too many engineers and lawyers conneoted with the counties. In his opinion, either tho oounties or Bond Boards should be abolished. Only one body, like the shires in "Victoria, should deal with local government. Local taxation should be as light as possible, and the money should be spent locally. Some people objected to the Drainage Board having powers of borrowing ; but *hat was the use of having such a body unless they had funds to carry out their operations. He now came to subjects of general politics, which did involve political questions. There were seven heads, as folIlows : leases ; (2) the Franchise, (3) Colonial Taxation, (4) Public Works, (5) Law Beform, (6) Education, (7) the Maori Question. On all

< these question* a candidate ought to giro a direct answer, and not shuffle. First, with reference to the land. There were some theorists, many of whom had no land of their own, who had started the theory that the land was not the property of those who had bcught and paid for it, hut the property of an imaginary entity called the people, and they proposed that the purchased lands should be resumed by the State, and leased back to the people, so that nobody should hare a freehold, but that all should be tenants under the State. There could be no objection to such a theory if started in Utopia or in some new country before anyone had set foot upon the soil. But he was determined to set his face against this theory. [Cheers.] The agitators who upheld (hie pernicious doctrine proposed at first to draw a margin, and commence by taking away the big owners'land—theyputthe thin edge of the wedge in that way. Having once com* menced, however, they would come down upon the small holder, and take away his land too. He was in favor of every man having a piece of land, a large piece if possible, but at any rate a email piece. He also hold that a man was entitled to buy as much land as he could get, if be had the money to pay for it j because the State got the benefit of his money, and used it for the benefit of the people at large. Land by itself was of no value until population came to live upon it. He now came to the question of the leased pastoral lands. It was admitted that new settlers wanted land. Commissioners who had been lately sent out from England to examine the land said, with regard to Canterbury, that there was little land to be bought first hand, and that immigrants would have to pay a higher prise than in the North Island. Perhaps they did cot know that the leases of certain large arena would soon fall in. These pastoral lands should be cut up into small blocks, and sold to the highest bidder; part, if necessary, for cash, but the bulk on deferred payment. [Hear, hear.] The area would depend upon the character of the land. If there was no demand made for the eurplus lands he would also let them to the highest bidder. He now came to the question of the franohise. Did the present franchise go far enough? The Liberals said, " No, give us manhood suffrage, pure and uimple." He was opposed to such a proposal. He regarded the franchise as a privilege, and not a right. Under the present franchise every legitimate settler, if he chose to go to the trouble, might become an elector, but not everyone who merely passed through the country and had no stake in it. He would be in favor of giving leaseholders the franchise. Seal property was represented, and he saw no reason why leaseholders should not be represented. He was of opinion that a property tax was better thaa either a land tax or an income tax. The latter was iniquitous, particularly in a new country. The property tax was the fairest that could be devised, as every man paid in proportion to his means. If the present tax was not sufficient to pay off the interest on the debt, he would double it. But for the borrowed money the oountry would not have the population nor the wealth whioh it at present enjoyed. The analogy between the State and a private individual with regard to borrowing waß a bad one. An individual should always keep out of debt, because his assets were limited ; but the State had ample assets, and need never be called upon to repudiate. Although New Zealand had the greatest debt proportionately of any of the British colonies, it was at the same time the most favored of those colonies, and could raise loans in London with great facility. The next question he would touch upon was that of public works. "Was the oolony to borrow more money for public works or not t He was of opinion that more money should be borrowed to continue these works after the expiration of the period during which the Government had promised not to go to the London money market. But the works undertaken should be main works, and such as might reasonably be expected to pay, and not speculative works. The railway tariff should be kept as low as possible ; but at the same time the farmers perhaps asked too much in this respect. He was in favor of law reform in the direction of getting codification of the laws and cheap law. The Supreme Court was too slow, its procedure was too complicated, and it did not sit frequently enough. The procedure should be assimilated more to that of the District Courts. The powers of these latter Courts should be increased to £SOO, and they should have jurisdiction both in common law and equity. [Cheers.] With regard to the Resident Magistrate's Courts, they should be presided over by professional men who understood law. [Cheers.] The Native question was the next important one he would refer to. It was said that fchs Natives had many vices. He had lived in their pahs and seen the dark and the bright sides of their character. If they had vices, they were those of the white man. The bulk of the Maoris were loyal. Some salt should be put on Te Whiti's tail, and the Government were quite competent to do it. It could be done without a general Maori war. The hands of the Government should be strengthened, and the Opposition should not endeavor to make political capital out of such a question. The policy of the Government in sending volunteers to the front was the cheapest in the long run, and the most effectual way to prevent war. He hoped the Government would show great forbearance, as they seemed inclined to do, for Natives could hardly be expected to understand the intricacies of the land laws. If Te Whiti was caught he would be inclined to vote for a grant being given to send him to Ireland, and make him an Irish landlord. [Laughter."] The Licensing Act should get a fair trial. A man who was deprived of his license without any fault of his own was entitled to compensation. The elective principle was new, and deserved a trial. Ho approved of the present system of education. The State should see that every child was educated in three subjects reading, writing, and arithmetic The State, if it had the funds, should also to some extent provide higher education. The present standards in the schools were perhaps too high. He adopted Mr Hall's polioy on conviction, and because it was calculated to give security to the colony, to make the people in it feel at home—easy and comfortable —not afraid of agitating legislation—not afraid that their land would be taken from under their feet. The policy of the Hall Government was expressed by the maxim, "Let well alone." They said, "We guarantee you an indefeasable title to your land. Once paid for, it io yours as long as you like to hold it." The land was not the property of the people, but of those who purchased it. The people were not the landlords. The owner was the landlord. Agitators had no right to take away land from persons who had fairly obtained it under the land laws. It was quite right that a man should improve his land, but it suited one man to keep sheep on his land, and another to farm it, and the State could not interfere with people in this respect. He was opposed to the law of entail. This concluded the subjects whioh he thought it necessary to address them upon, and he would now be quite prepared to reply to any questions which might be put to him. [Loud cheers.] In answer to questions, Mr O'Neill said he was in favor of a capitation grant being given to the Catholics, or other denominations, in respeot of children who could pass the examinations of the State schools. It was nothing to the State what religion a child was, as long as it could pass these examinations. School committees should give every faoility for the reading of the Bible, so long as it did not interfere with the ordinary school teaching. He thought that if religion was neglected the State would suffer, but on account of religious differences he did not think religious instruction should be given by the State.

Mr Stringer moved a vote of thanks to the candidate. Mr Oorr seoonded.

The motion was carried unanimously. A vote of thanks to the chair concluded the iroooedings.

[PEEB3 ASSOCIATION TELE(3EAi£.J AUCKLAND, November 2. Mr W. J. Hurst announces himself for Waitomata.

Mr Samuel Locke addressed the electors of Frankljn at North Otahuhu. He declared himself a liberal, and approved of Mr Bryce's aotion, but thought that the Government was allied with land speculators and aspersors o£ Sir George Grey. It is rumored that Mr Scaly, author of the pamphlet " Are We to Stay Here?", at present in Auckland, will be asked to stand for Waipa. Mr J. M. Dargaville addressed the electors of City West. He owned himself to bo independent of party. He was in favor of protection to looal industries, and approved of the Education Aot and the abolition of the property tax. A vote of confldenee waa. passed.