THE ELECTIONS.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2356, 21 October 1881, Page 3

THE ELECTIONS.

Tho following candidates will address the electors this evening:—Mr Anderson at the Oddfellows' Hall, Mr Pilliet at the Bingsland school, and Mr Peryman at Prebbleton. Mr J. A. Cunningham announces himself as a candidate for Ashley. We hear, upon very good authority, that Mr J. D. Bnys has expressed his willingness to come forward and contest the Coleridge electorate should he be requisitioned to do so, and we understand that a requisition to that effect is in course of signature at the Kowai Pass Store.

MR ANDREWS AT THE ODDFELLOWS' HALL. Mr S. P. Andrews, M.H.R., addressed the electors of North Canterbury last night at the Oddfellows' Hall. The hall was well filled, and the chair was occupied by his Worship the Mayor. Mr Andrews, on coming forward, was received with cheers. He said he would refer to the most important events of the last three sessions of Parliament, and would then indicate the line of policy he would pursue in the new Parliament if elected as their representative. The views be now held were substantially the same as those he gave expression to when he first sought the suffrages of the electors. He had had occasion to change his opinions on one or two subjects, and he would give them the reasons whioh had actuated him in so doing. If he was classed an a liberal, it was either because he had been educated in that sohool or had come in contaot with persons holding liberal views, and he believed ho was in the right course. He believed he was in the path of duty, and that if he lived for a few more years he would be able to look baok with satisfaction, and know that he had been in the channel of progress and reform, seeking to do good to others, and at the same time to himself as being a member of the community. On this particular occasion they hod no Grey platform and no Hall platform. His opponent, Mr Thomaon, had not declared upon what platform he intended to stand, but that would make no difference to him (Mr Andrews.) He was not there to combat any arguments which Mr Thomson might use, or to find fault with what he might do. He was there to express himself to the meeting, to declare what he thonght was right, and to tell them the oourse he intended to pursue in the future. Since he had been in Parliament he bad looked with a great deal of suspicion upon those who were termed by some the praotical Liberals of the country. It had been urged that the present Government was a Liberal Government, because it had passed so many practical Liberal measures. Although it might appear superficially that praise was due to them for passing those measures, yet he was prepared to maintain that they only did what they were compelled to do by the foroe of circumstances. He had supported the Government whenever they had proposed measures which he believed to be for the good of the country, but when under somejkind of subterfuge a Bill was brought forward which he believed was never intended to be a practical measure, he had objected to it as a sham. He had seen through some of the delusions of Parliament, and had voted against some measures, beoause he did not believe in subterfuges or in nonsensical humbug. He had nothing to disguise. Some one had written to the newspapers asking him a oertain question. Anyone who wanted to know anything of his political doings could easily have their curiosity satisfied by referring to the records of Parliament, or to the newspapers. And here he might say that the Press of the colony was so accurate in its reports of men and their doings that he believed they required no "Hansard" to chronicle the proceedings of Parliament. It was in his opinion an expensive luxury. But while that luxury existed he was bound to enjoy whatever there might be of it. He was not prepared, though, to vote the taxpayers' money to support that which could, in his opinion, be readily done without. While one portion of the Press might hold party views on one side, another portion would always take an opposite direction, so that between the two the public could generally get something like a right idea of the stat e of affairs. In dealing with the actions of the leaders of the present Ministry, he would have to go back as far as the year 1867. On the 18th July, 1867, Mr Hall was reported in "Hansard" to have said, " The right of the individual was to be well governed, but not to exercise political power," In 1868 Major Atkinson and Messrs Hall and Rolleston opposed the Ballot Bill, whioh was lost. In June, 1869, when the Bill was brought forward again, Mr Hall said, " If the Bill should pass the House of Representatives, he still hoped it would not become law. A Bill more detrimental to the good working of constitutional Government he could not possibly conceive. There was hardly a single measure which he should more regret seeing placed on the Statute Book." Again, in 1876, when speaking on the Electoral Bill, Mr Hall said the constitution did not give every householder the right to vote. The vote was not an individual and inherent right, but an important trust, vested in certain persons to be used for the general benefit in the wisest and most patriotic manner. In 1878 Mr Hall also said—" I am one of those who deny there is any abstract right on the part of any section of the body publio to any particular share of political power." Again, he said, " I deny that beoause a man has to obey the laws he has necessarily a right to a voice in the making of them. That is a popular theory, but I have never been able to find that it is founded on any substantial basis." Mr Hall further said, " If I thought this Bill would cause any great extension of the franchise I should not be prepared to support it, because I think the franchise is practically low enough." He thought they had right to regard with suspicion any liberal measure passed by a Government whose Premier had expressed such sentiments as these. During tho first session in which he sat in the House four of the most important Bills passed were the Property Tax Bill, the Qualification of Eleotions Bill, the Registration of Electors Bill, and the Triennial Parliaments Bill. The first he opposed. The others had been before the public for years. Electoral reform had been loudly demanded, and it was only on account of the determined agitation of tbe people that these measures were at last placed on the Statute Book. Fortunately perhaps for tho Premier, it waa his lot to be in power when they were framed. But were they at all in accord with the expressions of that gentleman with reference to the liberties of the people which he had just quoted ? Certainly not. He was prepared to admit that last session throe very liberal measures were passed—the Corrupt Practices Bill, the Regulation of Elections Bill, and the Representation Bill. He oould not say that he agreed with the Representation Bill, nor could he think that anyone present could regard it as a just or reasonable measure. But it was one of those Bills which had either to be rejected or accepted. Its rejection would have meant tho loss of seven members to Canterbury. The measure was unjust, because it made a distinction between town and country districts. Why, for instance, should Lyttelton, whioh had all the paraphernalia of a municipality, be called a country district, and Sydenham be treated as a city ? It was absurd. They could only have a satisfied people when there was no nonsense or chioanery about a Representation Bill of this kind. Population was the only basis upon which to work. The Premier had said they could not work on the population bßsis alone. Well, he (Mr Andrews) thought they could do so very nearly ; and further than that be was of opinion that it did not answer the purpose of the Governmep*, of the day

Ito work on the population basis. If they had I abandoned the population basis and taken up i that of property there would have been another difficulty equally hard to get over. But, to get away from the difficulty, the Government of the day said "It ii no use now attempting to burke it; we must pass the measure, and if you to to against it you will simply throw the whole thing away, and the Bill will be dropped for the session." He tried to induoe the Premier to attach to Lyttelton the Heathoote Valley and Sumner, 10 as to make it something like a respectable constituency, but he would on no account allow that to be done. Why ? Because there was a political reason. Why should Sydenham, with SOOO inhabitants, hove only one repretentative when Lyttelton, with half the popn. lation, had a member ? He would now say a. word or two respecting the action of the stonewallers. After describing the p-oceedings of the Kelson members in opposing the Representation Bill, he s&id that the forms of the House were such that the obstructionists could have continued their opposition to the present time if those forms had not been broken. The violation of the Standing Orders which took place was perfectly justifiable. When the Hcuße laced itself up so tight with standing orders as te forget that which was reasonable and in accordance with common sense, it went beyond what was prudent, and it would be neoesßary to so amend the constitution from time to time as to provide for these extraordinary circumstances. He would now refer briefly to the question of taxation in its connection with representation. Property had been given qualification, to which it had no right. It had had power over this oountry and over other countries, and it clung to that power. If it was right for every adult person in the land to have a voice in framing and making the laws he had to obey, there need be some very good cause shown why property should have any voice or vote at all. [Hear, hear.J The total amount received from all sources towards carrying on the Government of the colony was £3,123,960. Of this large sum only £220,000 was eontributed through the property tax. That being the case, were they to give property the extra power whioh it desired to have exd continue to it that which it enjoyed at present ? If they capitalised the value to the colony of a man earning £2 a week the result would be £IOOO. Now, taking that as a basis, if the property owners only paid £220,000 they should have 220 votes, and no more. The £25 property qualification could not be defended on any ground. He was quite sure that if the matter was placed in the hands of the people everything would be worked out on a fair and equitable footing. [Cheers.] The speaker referred to the state of representation in England, and quoted statistics to show the great inequality which existed in rngard to the numbers of the different constituencies. The condition of electoral matters in "England was the cause of that country continuing its position of isolation in regard to free trade. No people couli be satisfied while such strange anomalies existed in regard to their representation, and they were being driven out of the country by the operation of laws framed by those persons whose interests were in a totally different direction. [Cheers.] Referring to the question of protection, the speaker read a list 3f articles which he said could be manufactured in the colony, and for which no less a sum than £1,330,844 was paid away by the people annually. If we wanted to make the colony prosperous we must produce those goods which it was in our power to produce, and encourage local industries and manufactures to an extent never yet thought of. With regard to the Licensing Act, this measure had so many provisions and so many Bides that it was a question, after all, whether it was equal to the law which it superseded. One hopeful feature in it was the eleotive Bench. It was perfectly safe to leave this matter in the hands of the people. The wine license he objected to as calculated to create a liquor traffic of a most undesirable kind. He was opposed to the Gaming and Lotteries Bill, and particularly to the totalieator. If it was right to use this instrument at all, it should run free, and not be carried on only under the control of race clubs. If it waß right to use it on a race course, why should it not also be used at a regatta? The Fencing was another measure which be opposed, because he thought its tendency was to interfere with the settlement of the country. It should have been made permissive. He believed it was an out and out squatters Bill, intended to prevent the settlement of the lands of the oountry. He was decidedly of opinion that nothing should take place to alter the present system of education. He did not think there was going to be a Maori war, although he considered the Maoris had reason to be discontented. The re-appoint-ment of Mr Bryoe to the position of Native Minister was a matter for congratulation. After expressing bis willingness to answer questions, the speaker sat down amidst applause.

In answer to questions, Mr Andrews said in his opinion the oolony must keep up a Volunteer force. He would support the appointment of a Commission to inquire into the general management of the Sunnyside Lunatic Asylum prior to the appointment of Dr. Hacon. He believed the Education Boards should be elected by the people. With regard to a central Board, he would like to decentralise things as much as possible, and leave matters to the people of the different localities. In reference to an Employers' Liability Act, something of the sort was required, but he was not prepared to say in what particular direction the measure sheuld go. It was impossible for him to say whether he would support the present Government in putting a stop to the West Coast embroglio, because he did not know what steps the Government were taking. He did not like war, and thought it would be prevented by fair and honest dealing on the part of the Europeans. He would be in favor of doing away with the honorarium to the Legislative Council while that Chamber was a nominated one. He thought Sydenham should have two members. If the existing holder of a publichouse was deprived of his license without any charge being made against him. of misconduct, there was a fair case for compensation. He did not think an appeal from the decision of an elected Licensing Bench was necessary. He would support the voting of a sum of money for the establishment of free schools of science and art in every large centre of population. He was in favor of higher and technical education being provided in the colony. He was not in favor of a female suffrage. He advocated the _re« moval of the seat of Government to Christ•hurch, and if the electors of the five town constituencies insisted upon it, they could at any rate have the sittings of Parliament in Christchurch. It might be Baid that the Auckland members were opposed to it, but every Auckland member except one had promised to vote with him on this question, and would have done bo if the motion had come on. They knew they would receive mere genial hospitality than was accorded to them in that wretched Wellington. Mr Atkinson moved a vote of confidence in the candidate, which was seconded and carried unanimously, A vote of thanks to the chairman concluded the proceedings.

MR SAUNDERS AT EAIKOURA. On Tuesday evening about 200 assembled in the Temperance Hall at Saikoura to bear Mr Saunders' address to the Cheviot electors. On the motion or Mr Tenney, Mr W. Smith, J.P., took the chair, and briefly introduced Mr Saunders, EAjing that they knew from experience thst it was always a pleasure to lietcn to an address from their member, and that he trusted that the meeting would maintain that character for quiet order whiah had always been a feature in their public meetings at Kaikoura. Mr Saunders said that, as it was a well known peculiarity in human nature to "a!ue their blessings in proportion to tho difficulty of obtaining them, he was inclined to feel more than usnally glad to meet them on that occasion ; as [the irregularity of the steamer made it now quite a week of difficulty to get from one end of the Cheviot district tatha other. He was pleased to see so mariyjlajlorß present, and with so much as he wished to say to them, he would proceed at once to the business of the evening. The passis* of the Representation Bill had n;ade his position rather a peculiar one, as he was now the nominal representative of a number of electors who had taken no part in hit appointment. It was clearly his first duty to give an account of his proceedings in Parliament to those who had elected him, and when he had dene thst, he would try to introduce himself to the electors in the new portion of the distriot, who were not ai yet responsible for his appointment, and who would perhaps require some information as to the political opiniens he entertained. The first thing they would expect from him would be an explanation of why he had not taken

the same coarse in reforenoe to the Bepro« sentation Bill that was taken by the Nelson members, and by all those whose constituents would be deprivod of power by the alterations it proposed and has now effected. He was proud to say that although the old district of Cheviot would lose mora than half its representative power under the new redistribution of seats, not one of his constituents had ex pressed any wish that he should oppose it. It would have placed him in a very unpleasant position if they had dene so, because the appointment of representatives on the basis of population was bo evidently fair in principle that he could have said nothing against it, and could not have taken up the humiliating position of olaiming exemption from the operation of an admittedly right principle, for no better or higher reason than because it was inconvenient to himself and to hi* constituents. He felt sure, too, that it would not be long before many representatives of that district would find that the principlo was one that it would be their interest to assert, as with the bridges over the Waiau and the Clarence, for whioh the money was now voted, with their rich agricultural lacd, wifh their good httle wharf and bonded atci'e, and above all, with the mineral wealth and golden harvest they were now likely to obtain frcm Mount Fyffe, they might soon expect a population that would entitle them to oiaini a representative for Kaikoura alone. Then the district, in oommon with all the country districts of New Zealand, had secured the advantage under the new Bill of 33 per cent, more representation than was given to the cities, and that, he thought, was a wise and liberal concession to country districts, and one that would tend to the prosperity of the whole colony, and thus surely, though indileotly, benefit the cities themselves. New Zealand cities would be more heavily represented under the new Act than they had been before, and far more strongly than they had ever been represented in England ; but the fact that with their undoubted power, and with all thelevil counsel and offers of assistance they received from Sir George Grey, they had oheerfully submitted to such a concession, argued well for the moderation of the city representatives, and for their power to see that cities could never prosper unless the country around them was in a flourishing condition. Mr Ingles here rose, and said that JMLr Saunders had pledged himself to oppose any Eedistribution of Seats Bill. The Chairman requested Mr Ingles to reserve his remarks until Mr Saunders had finished his speech. Mr Saunders said that if Mr Ingles wished to speak first he would sit down, as he always preferred to speak last. Mr Ingles—Did you not go up pledged to oppose a Redistribution of Seats Bill ? Mr Saunders said that he went up pledged to nothing, far less to anything so absurd as that j but if he was to speak first perhaps Mr Ingles would allow him to go on. Many of the most important events that had given a peouliar character to the last session of the New Zaaland Parliament could only be rightly understood by those who carefully consider the peouliar circumstances under whioh the present Parliament was elected, the artificial division of parties that resulted, and the strong tendency that there must necessarily be for the unnatural classification of members that then took place to give way to something more natural and more in accordance with their individual dispositions and the previous habits of their life. The headlong, careless recklessness with whioh the Grey Government had brought the oolony to the verge of finanoial ruin presented a oommon danger, which united prudent men of all parties in a determination to stop such a career at any sacrifice of their own political opinions, and thus a Government was formed by an unnatural admixture of Conservatives and Liberals to face an Opposition composed partly of Liberals, who dreaded the Conservatives even more than they dreaded Sir George Grey—partly of extreme Conservatives who said that Sir George Grey was the best friend to their cause, and partly of men who understood nothing of either political faith, but who had ridden into Parliament to support Sir George Grey in whatever direction his fancy for the time being might lead. There was thus no natural oohesion between the elements that composed either the Government or the Opposition, and the weakness of the Government party was only exceeded by the weakness of their opponents. 80 long as suoh a Government prepared measures that commended themselves both to their Liberal supporters and their Liberal opponents they were able to carry them with overwhelming majorities, but whenever they attempted to gratify the Conservative portion of their supporters they found themselves utterly helpless, and had to retire with the best graco they could com. mand. So long as Mr Bryoe and Mr Oliver wore" in the Ministry, the Liberals were a majority in the Cabinet, and worked pretty smoothly with the House, but after their resignation, and the appointment of Mr Johnston, that majority was levelled and a constant jar was the result. The three principal measures that were oarried during the last session wero carried by the Opposition, against many of the usual Government supporters, and in one instanoe at least against the intention of the Government inself. Mr A. Ingles—Are you a supporter or an opponent of the Government ? Mr Saunders—Sometimes one and sometimes the other. That depends upon what the Government aim at, but you will get a fuller answer to that question if you will let me go on with my speech. The Licensing Bill was not treated as a political or party measure, and upon the whole received more support from the Opposition than from the Government side of the House. The Bepresentation Bill could not have been carried by the Government without the assistance of the Opposition, and the Opposition almost unanimously joined with some of the Government supporters to insist upon the Prevention of Corrupt Practices Bill being carried when the Government had evidently arranged to drop it. These were all very important measures, and measures that had been long required, and had been talked of and attempted more or lest earnestly for some years past. Mr A. Ingles—What Bills ? Mr Saunders—The Bills already mentioned.

Mr A. Ingles—But I want to know what Bills! What are the three Billi you call suoh good ones ? Mr Saunders said there was not a schoolboy present who could not tell Mr Ingles that the three Bills he had mentioned were the Licensing, theßepresentation, and the Corrupt Practices Bill, but as Mr Ingles' memory was ■o defective he had repeated their names. Mr Ingles—And these what are what you call such good Bills ?

Mr Saunders said that the chairman of the Bench of Magistrates in Kaikoura, Mr Ingles, was setting a very bad example to that meeting, and one that was calculated to frustrate the wish of the majority present to hear something of the events of the late session of Parliament.

The chairman hoped that Mr Ingles would allow Mr Saandera to proceed with hia speech. Mr Saunders then described circumstances connected with the passing of the Licensing, Bepresentation, Corrupt Practices, Crown and Native Lands, Boads Construction, Fencing, Sheop Dog, Protection of Crops, and other Bills, and detailed what had been done about education, steam communication with England, free trade and protection, and other subjects, and concluded by saying that as wise men they would judge of his future by what he had done in the past. He added that he would ask no man for a vote, and hoped that no ODe would vote for him or against him from any personal consideration, but simply as a question of whether he was or was not the best publio servant whose services they oould command. On the motion of Mr Gibson, the following was carried by 27 to 16—" That this meeting desires to thank Mr Saunders for his address, aid assures him that he possesses the confidence of electors ; this meeting also pledges itself to support him as a candidate for the Caeviot seat in the House of Bopresentatives." Mr Saunders thanked the meeting for their Tote of confidence, and hoped he should be able to dosorve it. [PBBS3 ASSOCIATION TBLEORAM ] AUCKLAND, October 20. At a meeting of Sir G. Grey's supporters it was definitely decided that he should stand for City Bast. Mr T. Peacock, ex-Mayor, is mentioned for a oity electorate, and Mr John McElwain for Waitemnta. INYEEOABGILL, Ootober 20. Mr Cowan, a candidate for Hokonui, has had successful meetings at Lumsden and "nton. At the latter place he got an unanivote of confidence. i request of a number of electors, Mr 'itting member for Inrercargill, has •utoat Awarua.