THE GLOBE. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1881. THE LORDS.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2331, 22 September 1881, Page 3

THE GLOBE. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1881. THE LORDS.

The Premier in his speech at Leeston, delivered just before the opening of the present session, took occasion to call attention to the general question of the status and usefulness of the Upper House. “ With regard to a second chamber,” he said, “it is my belief that in any country in which representative institutions exist a second chamber discharges very useful —aye, necessary—functions. It is desirable that there should be a check upon the hasty action of the popular branch of ’the Legislature. In times of excitement, which will occur in a popular chamber, its members might be hurried, under the influence of an eloquent and unscrupulous leader, into action which, on more deliberate consideration, they would regret, and which the country, if it had an opportunity of expressing its opinion, would certainly not approve of. On those occasions a second chamber exercises a most useful and moderating influence.lt does not, and ought not, to permanently oppose the matured opinion of the country, but it does postpone very often the decision of important questions until the House and the country have had time for reflection, and so to come to a full and deliberate decision.” Mr. Hall then proceeded to say that a further advantage of the Upper House was to prevent the Lower House being conscious of the possession of absolute power—a feeling which is highly injurious to any man or set of men. He then instanced certain cases in which the Council had proved itself of great use to the country, such as when it rejected the proposal to give unlimited borrowing power to the Provinces, and the proposal to give the Maoris much larger electoral privileges than the Europeans. But, at the same time, Mr. Hall allowed that the present constitution of the Legislative Council was not satisfactory, and he stated his belief that an alteration in the mode of appointment of Councillors was desirable.

Of the general use of the Council as a moderating power, and as a check on the impetuosity of the more popular Chamber, we fancy there can hardly be two opinions, but most sensible men no doubt read with approved in May last the sentiments of the Premier respecting the manner in which the members of the Upper House are at present chosen. And if these sentiments hit in with the popular feeling four months ago, they are still more likely to meet with the consent of the public now that the session has almost closed, for we may safely say that never before has the Council drawn such unfavorable notice on itself. Its action with regard to the Representation Bill, the Railway Construction and Land Bill, and other measures, has irritated, not only the other branch of the Legislature, but the country at large. And we take it that this irritation has not been so much because the Council, as an abstract Council, has exhibited a meddlesome and muddlesome spirit, but because the public are beginning to be profoundly dissatisfied with the 'personnel of the Upper Chamber. As long as the Council was on its good behaviour and proved itself useful, so long was the countrywilling to overlook the faults in its construction. But since it has taken upon itself the unusual role of an active agent of obstruction, the country, we feel confidant, will demand that a change in the present regime should he effected. And it will be singular if something is not done very shortly in the matter. The Premier, who is to a certain extent the mouthpiece of his party, has expressed, as we have seen, his dissatisfaction with existing arrangements. Sir George Grey, notwithstanding the fact that he has filled the Council with his own nominees, will, in all probability, make the abolition of the Council a platform cry, but, failing to secure support for such a sweeping measure, will fall back on its reconstruction. Both sides of the House, therefore, should consent to act together in the matter, and frame some feasible scheme by which the Council shall be made a body of men secure of the confidence of the country at large, irrespective of individual decisions. As it stands at present the Council cannot afford to make mistakes, and, as all bodies of men are liable to make mistakes, its position is most critical. The decisions of the House of Lords [carry weight with them, because the mass of talent and authority in that Chamber is great. It is recruited from time to time from out of the ranks of the leading men of the day, and the body of its members are trained for a political career from youth. But review the constitution of our Upper House. Its members are, for the most part, either fossils or men in whom the country has no manner of confidence—that is to say they are in no way whatsoever represea-

tativo men. The present method of 1 pitchforking Justices of the Peace on to the Bench is bad enough in all conscience, but it is not one whit worse than the the method employed in choosing our Lords. It is only astonishing that tho Council has effected the good it has in times gone by. It says worlds for the soundness of the theory of a second Chamber, when wo find such a heterogenous assemblage as that now in the Council acting in many instances a most useful part. But tho inherent viciousness of tho present system is beginning to display itself. It has been amply proved during the past session that tho host devised measures are at tho mercy of a body who have not the unqualified respect of the country. This is the rnh. No sound politician could wish tho Lower House to be in possession of autocratic authority, but it is absolutely necessary that the power which is to balance and revise its decisions should not bo of feather weight. The manner in which any reform in the constitution in the Upper Chamber should he effected will prove a delicate question. Whether, as suggested by Mr. Hall at Leeston, Mr. Curtis’ scheme would meet the difficulties of the case, or whether a chamber elected under Hare’s system would be preferable, is open to argument. So much of the weight and talent of the country as can be spared from the Lower House should bo in the Council, and, were it not for the difficulties connected with Haro’s system, we should say that it would secure most completely this end. But there is plenty of time to argue this out thoroughly. The main point taught more particularly by what has been going on during the present session is that the Council has, as now constituted, become a blot on our representative institutions.