THE GLOBE. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1861. THE NATIVE CRISIS.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 232, 20 September 1881, Page 2

THE GLOBE. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1861. THE NATIVE CRISIS.

The subject which is at preseat occupying tho thoughts of the public, almost even to the exclusion of the attention due to the flickerings of a moribund Parliament, is the aspect of Native affairs. The speeches of To Whiti and Tohu on Saturday last, which are to be found in our issue of to-day, were, to all appearances, of an extremely warlike tendency. Indeed, certain isolated sentences appear to mean nothing more or less than a declaration of war. For instance, Te Whiti said:—“All our talk to-day is of fighting, and nothing is left but to fight. The peace that existed is passed away; there is no peace now.” Again :—“ The evil of the world is loose now amongst ns, and there is nothing to stop it but to fight.” And again—“ If the Pakehas come and say it is the Governor’s land, and lift hands to defend it, strike them down.” Tohn was even more energetic in his language—“ There will be nothing but death for Maoris and whites to-day and for generations to come.” “ All who wish fighting come this way; you who are far off come this way. All I have got to say is, fight and kill: don’t save anyone, destroy all before you.” No language has previously issued from Parihaka of , a nature at all similar to this. Such mystic utterances as “ the potato is cooked” might be translated in a number of ways without particularly straining the meaning. But to say that Te Whiti’s late speech is anything but a direct invitation to hostilities would bo decidedly to strain the license of prophetic utterances to the utmost. But still there is a hope that war is not in« tended. It has throughout been part of the policy of Te Whiti, when he wishes to carry any particular point, to bring matters to tho very verge of an outbreak, apparently with the object of attracting the attention of the colony to bis doings and grievances. Daring the last two years there have occurred numerous crises when outsiders would have declared that peace was no longer possible. But in each instance the Natives have been, marched by Te Whiti to the brink of war, and then marched back again. It is

possible that the prophet has now dotermined to effect by his eloquence that which he formerly elected to do through the medium of his followers. It would hardly do to have fresh batches of prisoners secured by the constabulary on a repetition of the fencing farce. The ex-prisoners are evidently being treated as heroes, and it would bo a decided blow to the prestige of the prophet were they again to be incarcerated. Te Whiti may by his late utterances merely intend to show that the Government have, when dealing with him, still to reckon with a man who has the issues of war and peace in his hands. He may be laughing in his sleeve when he sees reinforcements being sent to the West Coast to be there “ buried alive.” This game, however, if it is indeed being carried on, is a most dangerous one. There are hot spirits among the younger I followers of Te Whiti, who may at any j moment, urged by his words, commit acts which would involve the two nations in hostilities, and Te Whiti might find himself compelled against his will to head his party in a death struggle with the Europeans. It would not, however, be wise to burke the fact that Te Whiti may have been driven, by the peculiarities of his situation, to an appeal to the sword. In a small way he is a potentate, and many a one of this class has before now been compelled, by the stress of circumstances, to engage in war, when success has been by no means clear. When Napoleon 111. declared, on a certain occasion, that it was necessary se deborder, he possibly expressed the very feeling that is 'flitting through the mind of Te Whiti. A move, the latter may think, must be made to keep up his prestige, and all risks must be run in the attempt. Even if success is most doubtful, it might be well to see what a change in tactics might effect. This is the real danger attached to the I present situation. As Mr. Bowen has pointed out in the House, the existing crisis revives the question as to how far the late Native Minister was right in insisting that more energetic steps should be adopted at the time of his resignation. Mr. Bryce, in his speech at Wanganui in March last, dealt exhaustively with the subject of his retirement. After frankly describing the cause of disagreement between himself and the Ministry, he proceeded — “ For my own part I do not think it is of any use to negotiate with Te Whiti. I do not think there is any case in New Zealand of any Maori having consented voluntarily and in direct terms to confiscation, and from the character of Te Whiti I take it ho is one of the last men likely to do it. I believe the idea of negotiating with Te Whiti to be perfectly preposterous.” This was Mr. Bryce’s idea, and it may have been a correct one. His plan only incidentally included the taking of Te Whiti. The seizure of Hiroki was the main feature, including probably the breaking of Te Whiti’s prestige, and possibly—and that only in case of resistance —the capture of the prophet. Had a move then been made the Parihaka Natives would most likely have been taken by surprise. Had To Whiti been carried off no doubt his followers would have fought for it and war would have broken out. But are we now less prepared than we were then ? The answer will be that in every way our position is batter than it was, and we have besides given an example of moderation which materially strengthens our moral standing. War at that juncture might not have secured the approval of the country at large. Were it now to be entered into there is hardly a single colonist who could fail to see that our only resource is to strike, and to strike sharply and for once. Te Whiti, at the time of Mr. Bryce’s resignation was by the colonists at large not looked upon as a man urging his followers to extremes. The case is now reversed, and there would be no danger of unwholesome sympathy being dealt out to him. Moreover, roads have been formed in the district, the means of communication generally have been materially added to, and our military posts have been strengthened. Our situation now is both morally and physically stronger than it was at the beginning of the year,