THE GLOBE. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1881. THE REPRESENTATION BILL.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2312, 1 September 1881, Page 2

THE GLOBE. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1881. THE REPRESENTATION BILL.

The difficulties which it was foreseen would lie in the way of the Government in any attempt to alter the present status of the representation were not exaggerated. Whatever opinion may be entertained as to the views held by the principal opponents of the measure, it will at least be conceded that they possess one inestimable qualification in parliamentary warfare, namely, uncommonly thick skins. Anyone who interests himself in the general affairs of the colony will have noticed that the placid life led by the colonists of Nelson has had a decidedly favourable effect on the thickening of their cuticles. In matters social and political it is made evident that the calm of their pleasant retreat leads to the adoption of a philosophy the main ingredient of which is a belief in the sacred importance of their own personal affairs. Passing most of the time in self-contem-plation, when such a brutally candid measure as the Representation Bill shows them their real relative value in New Zealand affairs, the rude awakening does not entirely dispel the effects of their normal reveries, but a state of mind is produced which is eminently adapted for obstructive and reasonless tactics of any description. In the days of the decadence of the Eastern Roman Empire it was a common thing, when obstructive tactics had to be adopted with the view of frightening the powers that then existed or for any other purpose, to obtain the assistance of the cenobites who lived in the secluded spots of Asia Minor and elsewhere. These gentlemen from the caverns and holes of the earth had passed their time mostly in pondering over the fact that they themselves were extremely religious and fine fellows, and when let loose in the streets of Constantinople they always endeavoured to impress that fact on the populace; and even if they did not quite succeed in that, they always managed to make themselves felt, because they were quite impervious to argument, and stuck at nothing. They ran about, as Gibbon tells us, in small parties, clothed in fantastic but scanty garments, and uttering uncouth cries, that were heard with mingled feelings of astonishment and alarm. Now, without in any way wishing to draw too closely the comparison between the Nelson members and these obstructionists of old, it may be permissible to doubt whether rapt contemplation of one's own virtue is the best preparation for that spirit of compromise and self-sacrifice which should distinguish legislators when passing a largo measure for the general good. The Nelson members have had an opportunity placed before them of distinguishing themselves by a display of magnaminity which would have honorably reflected on themselves and their constituents. Instead of that they have chosen to take np an untenable position, and to hold it by straining the methods of constitutional government to the utmost. They are foolish enough to fancy that they can arrest the course of nature by parliamentary tacHcs—that the former importance of their province will be retained if they can only defeat the present Governmeßt measure.

The obstructionists from other quarters can certainly manage to scrape together something better in their own defence. "We have already adverted to the case of the arguments brought forward by the goldfield members, namely, that the representation should be adjusted according to the cumber of electors in each district, and not on a mere population basis, and we have shown that the theory, however plausible, is not a sound one, seeing that it has hitherto been practically admitted by neither party and that it is merely a cleverly constructed surprise which has been sprung on the country at large. The members of the North Island too can bring forward certain propositions to a limited extent plausible, such as their views on the balance of power between the North and South Islands. These views, partaking somewhat of the selfishness of those entertained by the Nelson members, yet differ from the extreme narrowness of the latter by tho interval that separates

■national from 'parochial matters. Bu the weakness of what we may call " the balance of power cry" is proved by th< arguments used in its support. The ide* is not brought prominently forward, bul exception is taken to minor details in the Bill—details that might well be attendee to in Committee. The very supporters oi the idea appear to be ashamed of theii "view of the national interests. In point of fact the Government, in their endeavour to pass a measure founded on a broad and intelligible basis, have stirred up a sea of smaller passions. They have endeavoured to legislate on a colonial level, and have found that individual and local selfishness stand in the way. But there is one consolation in the outlook. The Government are determined, and have right on their side. They are backed up by many friends among the members of tho North Island, who have dared to throw off the narrow prejudices that hamper their fellows. If by any chance it should be that the Government should have to appeal to the country on the question, there would be little doubt of the result. The sinew and bone of the country would never permit themselves to be over-ridden by minorities, A parliamentary struggle is one thing—a struggle between powerful and weak sections of the people is quite a different affair. The patriotic efforts of the] Hall Ministry would meet with ample recognition on the part of the country at large.