THE TUNIS QUESTION.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2252, 17 May 1881, Page 3

THE TUNIS QUESTION.

[From the “Argue.”] Just as there is a prospect of concluding the petty wars which have occupied the British and colonial troops in South Africa for some months past, the centre of public interest is suddenly shifted to the northern confines of the Dark Continent, whore a crisis has arisen which may eventuate in important political results. The sudden outbreak of hostilities between the French Republic and the insignificant Barbery state of Tunis derives its chief importance from the complications which it may possibly cause between the French and Italian Governments. France and Italy have long been rivals in North Africa ; the former has succeeded in consolidating her conquests in Algeria, and that groat French colony is now rapidly increasing in population and wealth. The nation io proud of its vigorous young offshoot, and a strong feeling exists in favor of the extension of Algerian territory, at the expense of Tunis, its nearest neighbor on the oast, and of Morocco on the west. This patriotic feeling is rapidly developing the idea that the influence of France must be all powerful in North Africa. The Parisian press have not only fostered this opinion, but by their intemperate and inflammatory language have done much to increase the feeling of jealousy which has long existed in Italy against any extension of French influence in Africa. This is not unnatural on the part of Italians, for centuries before they achieved their destiny by the reunion of their separate atoms into one powerful state, they have sought to acquire a commercial footing in Tunis. Neapolitan, Tuscan, and Genoese factories have long flourished at Tunis and its port Goletta, and the Italian colony now scarcely falls short of 10,000 souls, who exorcise a degree of influence upon the Government altogether out of proportion to their number. The Italian Government deny any desire for dominion or supremacy in in North Africa, and only avow a desire to maintain iutaot their long established interests in Tunis; but it is impossible to conceal the popular desire that exists for the extension of Italian influence in a part of the world where some of the greatest victories of ancient Romo were won. The nation feels that the establishment of a French protectorate over Tunis would be fatal to the realisation of its cherished hopes, and the dread lest the French Government by a coup de main should seize the coveted territory has done much to extinguish the feeling of gratitude which the Italians felt, and should feel, towards the great nation which so materially assisted them to achieve their independence, and become again a power in Europe. The present ruler of Tunis is Mohammed-el-Sadok, an old, childless and decrepit man, with no vigour of character to enable him to cope with the difficulties of his situation. His extravagance and misrule have impoverished his kingdom, and his inability to pay the interest of his debts has caused him to transfer his chief functions to an international commission, which has undertaken the financial administration of the regency. Harassed by his inability to satisfy the conflicting claims of the different foreign consuls, Mohammed-el-Badok fell back upon the old Oriental device of playing off his most powerful suitors against each other. These tactics have naturally increased the irritation of both Italy and France, and this showed itself a few months ago in a very marked degree. In pursuance of a plan to extend the Algerian railway system as close as possible to the Tunisian border, the French Government recently undertook the construetion of a line between Bona, a flourishing maritime town, situated in a district known as the Garden of Algeria, and Guelma, a smaller but still thriving town some 100 miles distant. No objection appears to have been made to this, but about three years ago a speculative English firm made a line about twenty miles in length between Tunis and Goletta, its port, and recently sold it to a Genoese firm of shipowners, named Rubattino and Company. The disappointed French competitors who were desirous of acquiring the line were greatly irritated at this, and accused Rubattino and Go. of being merely the agents of the Italian Government, who were seeking by underhand means to increase their influence in Tunis. Whether this allegation was well founded does not appear. The French sought to neutralise the advantage the Italians had gained by pressing the Bey to permit the construction of a second line to Goletta, but this could not be conceded, and ultimately the matter was settled, after the exhibition of much angry feeling, by Mohammed-el-Sadok authorising the French to construct a line from Tunis to Biserta, an old port of the capital, a little further to the north of the city than Goletta is to the east.

More recently England became involved in a dispute with France in connection with Tunis, which for a brief interval threatened to strain the friendly relations of the two powers. A Marseilles company claimed to have purchased from a Tunisian, named Khereddine, the Bnfida estate, situated some distance from the capital. A British subject, named Joseph Levy, who occupied an ad* jacent farm, claimed, under Tunisian law, to exercise a right of pre-emption which would have virtually crippled the value of the company’s purchase. Complications ensued, and the French and British Governments were appealed to. The French Government promptly ordered the ironclad Friedland, one of the French Channel squadron, to Tunis, and the British responded by despatching the Thunderer to the spot. Harmony was, however, soon reitored, and the question in dispute will probably be decided by the local courts of Tunis. What we have stated may perhaps throw but little light upon the immediate cause of the present outbreak of hostilities with Tunis, but it reveals the existence of a determination on the part of the French to maintain an unquestioned ascendancy in North Africa. During his recent triumphant progress through Sicily the King of Italy received the envoy of the Bey, and the fact excited much hostile comment from the Republican papers. The French press, while disclaiming the necessity of a French protectorate or sovereignty over Tunis, decline to permit either the influence or interference there of any other European power. “French ascendency, ” it contends, 11 must be real, and shared with no one else. ” “ The Bey must be taught that France is strong, and determined not to abdicate her authority,” &0,, and these “legitimate demands” are declared to be essential for the tranquility and development of the groat African colony of Algiers. It was reported very recently that the French consul had handed the Bey of Tunis an ultimatum, requiring him to accept a French protectorate. This was no doubt premature, but it seems highly probable that the Republican Government have only been awaiting a pretext which would give them some color of right to make such a demand. This may have been afforded them by the incursions recently made into Algerian territory by the unsubdued tribes on the Tunisian frontier. The Eroutuis, for instance, have made several raids into French territory, and on the 16th February fought a sharp engagement with the Algerians. It is not unlikely that these events induced the French authorities to call upon the Bey to give guarantees for the good behaviour of his subjects, a request which he could scarcely comply with. The peremptory demand made upon him to permit the French occupation of the island of Tabaroa may be explained on this ground. It is not surprising that the haughty tone adopted by the Republic should have aroused the latent hostility of the Tunisians. Of course, a protracted resistance will be impossible against a power which thinks nothing of putting 50,000 troops into the field almost at a moment’s notice. The chief danger to France is that the religious and clannish feeling existing amongst the various North African tribes may induce the Bedouins and Eabyles and other conquered Algerian tribes to make another effort to throw off the dominion of Franco. 111-feeling will also bo certain to increase between Italy and France, and Germany is more than suspected of fanning the flame, in the hope of securing another ally in case of a hostile stop on the part of the Republic. It is therefore by no moans unlikely that the potty war which has now broken out may cause European complications of a momentous kind.