THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, JANUARY 21, 1881. THE LICENSING LAWS.

Globe, Volume XXIII, Issue 2155, 21 January 1881, Page 2

THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, JANUARY 21, 1881. THE LICENSING LAWS.

Or all the questions submitted to legislation, it has been found most difficult to deal with that of the liquor traffic. The cause of this may be traced, principally, to the fact that human passions and human prejudices are concerned in the problem; and, in a secondary degree, the cause of obstruction may be found in the tenacity and strength of the contending interests which have to be considered in any debate or resolution on the question. In the mother country time and money have been expended, year after year, in attempting to perfect a system which has very little to recommend it, and, when judged of by results, presents a sorry spectacle of incompetence and error. Both at home and abroad wo have deliberative assemblies of the best men in the land, representing all classes and every shade of creed and opinion, settling themselves to the task of regulating a branch of industry whose ramifications exercise a boundless influence wherever civilisation carries its standard. Yet the advance made towards the end pursued is quite insignificant : hence we constantly hear of Bills innumerable being introduced to amend Acts without number to legalise and control the sale of alcohol. The colonies, we believe, have somewhat the advantage of the Mother Country, in-so-far as the outward evidences may be taken as an indication of the drinking habits of the people. But if this be so it is the result of a higher power than the law—that of education. The percentage of education to population here, for instance, is much greater than in the Mother Country—a circumstance which would account for the lesser proportion, in an inverse ratio, of the most common and offensive consequences of the traffic. In any case the difference is trifling, and the same difficulties and obstacles stand in the way of most countries populated by the Englishspeaking race. In New Zealand we have much to unlearn, and more knowledge to acquire, before we can hope to settle this important queseion in a manner which will prove satisfactory, even in a tentative sense. In the meantime, it behoves all of those who take part in the conduct of public affairs, as well as those who may assist by their guidance and instruction, to give this highly important matter a proper share of attention, to the end that improvement may be effected. The question we propose to consider just now is, whether the law and the people are doing all in their power to utilise and profit by our present advantages? We think not, and will proceed to explain why we hold this opinion. One great reason for so many complaints being heard on all sides as to the licensing laws in force in the colony is, we believe, not so much on account of crude or timid legislation, but because of the imperfect administration of the law. The Act at present in force, for instance, though not incapable of improvement, is a wholesome measure, and if properly given effect to by tbe authorities constituted under it, might be capable of much good to the communities over which it exercises jurisdiction. And here we tread upon the tender ground of complaint, of the thousands of just complaints so frequently hoard, about the seeming impoteucy of the law, which is ever and anon sot at defiance with impunity. How can this state of things be remedied, is the

question that naturally suggests itself, and the answer thereto is as naturally suggested by the question wo have previously cited as the groundwork of our remarks—“ Are the law and the people doing all in their power to utilise and profit by our present advantages ? Experience makes the answer perfectly obvious. The law is a power which can only bo realised in a practical sense, when it is put in motion by those appointed for that purpose. If the constituted authorities passively neglect their part of the bargain, or abuse their trust actively, which we submit is too frequently the case, the law might as well stand unwritten—it is a dead letter, in fact. In this state of things the responsibility of the people is made evident. Their duty is to exercise an influence by pressure which shall compel the officers of the law to be faithful to their position and the trust reposed in them ; and, so far as wo are concerned, the public may rest assured that no effort shall be spared to assist them in doing this. It may have been noticed that in some other parts of the colony the provisions of the Licensing Ordinance are being rigorously enforced. Christchurch stands alone in the laxity with which the Licensing law is administered, albeit, we have no longer the luxury of making such laws in a little provincial pie-house of our own. A single code prevails over the entire colony; and yet we find one district doing certain thing which another leaves undone, and leaving undone those things which it ought most assuredly to do. Much of this is the fault of our local police authorities, who have grossly neglected their duty in carrying out the licensing regulations, and certainly the Licensing Commissioners are not altogether blameless in the matter. It is a misfortune for this town that a class of men in high places exist who seem to think it bettor policy to let an evil grow up under their very noses than acknowledge it by so much as a sign. It is the outcome of a contemptible philosophy which finds refuge in canting hypocrisy; it is also the result of a maudlin, sickly sentimentality, which induces its miserable possessors to let the reputation and the moral tone of a whole community suffer rather than soil their mighty clean hands in a noble and manly attempt to cast out the dirty thing from among them.

For a long time past the police of Christchurch have acted in reference to the public-house interests just as the whim took them. One or more hotels, say, have been allowed to break the law most openly and shamelessly, day after day, month after month, when suddenly some unfortunate landlord who has committed an isolated offence, is pounced upon and fined. Why ? Because it suited the taste and fancy, or it may be the hate, of some limb of the law to vindicate the majestic power which, in a suit of blue, he so magnificently represents. Thus, of one class fish is made, and of the otht r flesh. There are, however, as we pointed out on a former occasion, certain houses in town the licensees of which appear to bear a charmed life ; the lines have fallen unto them in pleasant places, and they run whole hogsheads of beer and liquors through Acta of Parliament every day of their lives. These are notorious facts, which would not elsewhere bo permitted. Prom Wellington we hear of the employment of barmaids being rigidly restricted to the limits of the law framed for their protection. In Christchurch this law is broken every day, and the police deliberately wink at it. Drink is sold in many of the houses in town at all forbidden hours, a fact patent even to the stranger who visits our town, and the police know it. Billiard rooms are leased to men who, under the cloak of “ play,” carry on the trade of sly grog selling, a fact equally patent. We say, therefore, that the pressure of public opinion must bo brought to bear for the purpose of ensuring just administration of the law, seeing that the constituted authorities are so slow to recognise the course of duty so plainly laid out before them. We have no intention of taking up any high ground of morality on this question. It is a case of duty neglected, of the law being constantly outraged, that we have to deal with, and disagreeable though the task undoubtedly is, we see no other course open to us in the interests of the public generally, but to attack in plain terms such flagrant abuses as those to which we refer. At the same time, the interests of the licensed victuallers as a body are being served. No respectable publican would be likely to suffer by a rigid enforcement of the regulations which all accept in spirit, at least, as the regulations they stand pledged to abide by, and under the authority of which they carry on their business. Therefore, wo feel confident of the approval of all respectable men in the trade as to the general tenor of the remarks it has been thought necessary to offer on this subject. One thing, however, must be obvious to the meanest capacity, namely, that it is useless setting up an outcry against any enactment until it has been fairly tested, and that is what we claim for the law as it stands. Let it bo faithfully administered, without fear on the one hand or favor on the other; and, so sure as that is done, society will at once feel the benefit. ELECTION OF SCHOOL COMMITTEES. On Monday next the householders of the various educational districts will meet to elect their committees for the ensuing year. In the past there has been noticeable in the metropolitan districts especially, an apathy which, to our mind, is exceedingly to be deplored. The result has been that most undersirablo men have secured seats on the various committees, men who, had the householders attended the meetings as they ought to have done, never would have got there, We need go no further than to allude to one of our largest schools, that of East Christchurch, to shew the truth of this. That district for some reason or another has been noticeable for the extreme apathy, almost total indifference, with which the householders have treated the election of the committee for the year. We trust that the meeting on Monday next will bo a contrast in every way. It must bo remembered that in dealing with the affairs of the school the committee are paramount, subject only to the instructions on various points received from the Board. In all internal management the committee has full power, and most important and onerous duties devolve upon the members. There can surely be nothing so important as the education of the rising generation, and this in a large measure is supervised by

the local committee. Hence the importance of a careful selection by the householders of its members. There is just one other point to which we desire to refer, and that is the system of voting adopted under the Act at these elections. It may be very right to represent the minority, but this can be carried too far, and in a great measure the provision is

liable to be used for the purpose of getting undesirable men on the committee. Three voters coming together and plumping for one candidate can in the ordinary meetings of householders place him at the top of the poll, though he may bo considered entirely unfit by the remainder of the meeting. This provision, we think, requires altering, and the good old principle of the majority ruling, which at any rate has the elements of safety about it, introduced instead. In conclusion, we earnestly urge upon the householders of the metropolitan districts who have hitherto been most lax in their interest to show some more sympathy with the groat work of educating the young, and select men who will do honor to their choice, and who, above all, will preserve our national system of secular education free from the taint of denominatienalism.