THE GLOBE. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1880. THE GREEK QUESTION.

Globe, Volume XXII, Issue 2095, 10 November 1880, Page 2

THE GLOBE. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1880. THE GREEK QUESTION.

The most serious question at tho present moment in European politics is.withoutany doubt, the Greek Question, that is to say, tho settlement of the new boundary line between Turkey and the Hellenic Kingdom. It is more important than the Montenegrin question, because its surroundings are of a more dangerous character. The cession of Dulcigno concerns the Albanians and Montenegrins alone, sotting apart, of course, the fact that the Powers have taken the question in hand. But with regard to the Greek question thero comes into the calculation the future stength of tho Slavic and Greek elements in Eastern Europe. A rupture ia that quarter might stir up antipathies and cement friendships which would set Europe in a blaze. Servia and Bulgaria would probably have their say, and Austria would be most nearly involved. For Austria is most distinctly anti-Slavic. Amongst other important questions with her is the free navigation of the Danube, and sho would look with disfavor on any juction of Slavic powers on the route which might tend to snatch the control of this great artery of communication out of the hands of the European Commission that at present have the river in charge. Any disturbance, therefore, in tho neighborhood of Greece means something very different from disorders on the Montenegrin boundary. But still Greece appears inclined to hasten a rupture. A pacifically inclined Ministry have been turned out of office, and a Premier, apparently bound to a war policy, has succeeded—a Premier, who, we are informed, intends to act without colleagues when necessary, under the orders only of the King. The Greek question is the result of the unsatisfactory arrangements made on the subject at the first Berlin Conference in 1878. The causes of Greek dissatisfaction are well known. First and foremost their country is too poor and small to maintain a satisfactory government. This is acknowledged by all Europe, and was made a special reason by the late King of the Belgians for not accepting the sovereignty when it was offered to him. Then just outside of their present boundaries there live a large Greek population which they naturally wish to include under their own dominion. At the time of the Turko-Russian war the Greeks wero with difficulty restrained from entering into the struggle by the representations of various powers. At the Berlin Conference in 1878 their claims were brought before the Congress, and M. Waddington, the French plenipotentiary, drew out a frontier line that was finally accepted, in so far as a general understanding was entered into that the matter should be left for final settlement between the Turkish and Greek Powers on the lines suggested. Nothing determinate was, however, decided on. A golden opportunity was here missed of placing the matter on a satisfactory footing. The leaning of the Porte at all times to procrastination was not sufficiently taken into consideration, nor were the peculiar difficulties of his position with regard to the country that would have to be given up. It was held for granted that both Turkey and Greece would be willing to fix on some boundary, and so avert any chance of a rupture. The Porte was at that time very sick, and quite ready to promise anything, while Greece was over-sanguine. But more than two years have passed since that Congress, and nothing has been done. A short time back the unsatisfactory state of affairs came prominently under the notice of the Powers, and a second Congress was held to fix positively the boundaries to be adopted. This second Congress drew out a line some thirty or forty miles farther north than M. Waddington's line, including the town of Larissa and Janina and strong strategical positions on Mount Olympus. But the Powers have taken no steps to enforce the arrangements adopted by this last congress j in fact they appear to have rather drawn back from active participation in the settlement of the question, adopting the line that, as the Porte has found such difficulty in grappling with the Montenegrin question, it should be dealt with leniently with regard to the Greek frontier. In fact the second Congress has done considerable harm. The Greeks naturally accepted the new boundary line with joy, and their expections were raised to the highest point. The Turks, on the other hand, looked upon the affair as a matter of spoliation, and began to ask themselves where this system of the dismemberment of their empire would end. Besides the Sultan was placed on the horns of a dilemma. His authority in the outer limits of his empire is but shadowy, and the cession of territory being a serious matter to the Albanians, he had but little hope of inducing them to bow to the will of the Powers. For with regard to the Albanians, the matter stands thus. Their country is a mass of mountains surrounded by a fringe of plains. As is usual in such eases, tho inhabitants pasture their flocks on the hills during the summer, and bring them into the low lands in winter. But plain land is to be taken from them both on the side of Montenegro and Greece. On the former side the plain of Podgoritza is adjudged to Montenegro ; on the latter the rich country of Thessaly and Epirus is to be swallowed up by Greece. The Albanians are driven to desperation by these arrangements, The winter feed for their flocks is, in a great part, to be taken from them, and it can hardly be wondered at that they are prepared to resist by force of arms. Orders from Constantinople, even if given in good faith, would be disobeyed, so that the Sultan is placed in the awkward position of having, probably, to choose to fight against his own subjects or against Greece. What wonder if he were to choose the latter, taking the view adopted by Louis Quatorze, who used to say that, if ho had to fight, he would rather have to shoot down his enemies than his own people. One thing is vory clear, namely, that tho Great Powers are very lukewarm in their advocacy of the claims of Greece. It may be well, therefore, to see what is the force which the Greek Government can bring into the field. Threo months ago the strength of their army was 17,500; but later advices have stated that mobilization will bring it up to 30,000 or 40,000. Now, without taking into any consideration the main body of the Turkish army, the Albanians alone can, their chiefs say, muster a forco of 48,000 men. Moreover, Larissa, Janina and other places are being strongly fortified. Accounts as to tho energy of tho Greeks are, besides, not satisfactory. Correspoudoate to the English papers i

doscribe the apathy of tho population at largo, as shown by a total want of' willingness to mako sacrifices for the country. Hardly a sixpence for war purposes is subscribed, and the general body of the population are not over willing to drill. There is, it is true, a good deal of talk, but deeds are few and far between. It would appear indeed that, if Greece has only herself to rely on, her outlook is not very bright, at least it may safely be reckoned that the more extended boundary adopted by the second conference will never be obtained. Possibly an arrangement may be come to by which 11. Waddington's boundary may be adopted by general consent. If, however, the Greeks rash into war, so many interests will be involved that ho would bo a rash man indeed who would venture to predict the result of the struggle. The Powers, apathetic as they at present are, would certainly never allow her to be absolutely crushed, indeed it is difficult to see how, with any regard to their own dignity, they could oven consent to her being totally deprived of tho chance of some sort of accession to her limited territory.