POST-SESSIONAL UTTERANCES.

Globe, Volume XXII, Issue 1922, 22 April 1880, Page 2

POST-SESSIONAL UTTERANCES.

MR H. ALLWRIGHT AT LYTTELTON. Last night Mr Allwright addressed his constituents at a meeting held in the Oddfellows’ Hall at Port. The building was crowded to its utmost capacity by a most respectable and attentive audience, and the meeting proved, contrary to predictions, an extremely orderly and quiet one. Punctually at eight o’clock Mr Allwright came upon the platform, and was received with cheers. He said the gentleman he had asked to be chairman that night had been called from town, but that perhaps if Mr J. S. Willcox was present he would step up and take the chair. Mr Willcox responded by coming from the body of the hall and taking the position. He stated the purpose of the meeting, asked that a patient hearing bo accorded the member, and promised that any question from an elector would be answered afterwards.

Mr Aliwright, on coming forward, said it was the right of every Englishman to demand of his representative an account of his stewardship as such, and it was also every Englishman’s right to obtain a fair hearing. He would, after making his statement, be most happy to answer any question respecting his conduct in the House that might be put to him. He would have ealled them together before, but in the state in which politics had been, he thought it better to await developments of the actions of the Government now in power before meeting them. He had been carefully watching the Government’s doings since the session, because he felt that if they consistently carried out their promises to the House, he would give them his support. It was due to his constituents that they should be informed of the course he had taken in the last session, the work (or mischief perhaps) he had done, and the motives by which he had been actuated. He was anxious that they should be informed of these matters, and also of what course he was likely to pursue in the coming session. Well, when he got to Wellington and took his seat, he found the two sides of the House so evenly balanced, that no business could be carried on —too evenly balanced for the good of the country’s affairs. This was demonstrated beyond all doubt in the result of the no-confidence motion when the Hall Government got into power. That motion at first was not directed against the whole Grey party, but at a part of it. After this, his party, the Liberals, showed a determination to obstruct all business being done, by factious opposition, and the House for a time met and adjourned without doing anything, until he became perfectly sick of the factiousness displayed. Afterwards a meeting ot his party was held, and Sir George Grey put from its leadership, Mr Macandrew being chosen in his place. They would remember all abont that, and how Mr Macandrew tabled his nc-confidencs motion against the Hall Government. This motion the Hall Government refused to take until they had had an opportunity of investigating how the finances of the country stood. Mr Hall stated that the colony’s financial position was in a dreadful state, and he and his colleagues on the Benches did not propose to go out until they had seen how matters really stood. Subsequently they brought down the Triennial Parliaments Bill, which he was pledged to support as a Liberal measure. But his party said no. They would not have the Bill passed; they would stop supplies first. This mode of reasoning convinced him that the party under its then leadership was not disposed to carry on an honorable opposition. It annoyed him very much to hear them threaten to stop the supplies. To say that because they could not get their way with the no confidence motion they would prevent the Government getting money to pay the officials’ salaries. It was monstrous. He •* ent to one of his party, Mr Montgomery, to whom ho said, “ We should take this Triennial Parliaments Bill ; it is a liberal Bill, and we are pledged to support it. Let us try it.” But he received no satisfaction from him, so he told him then and there that he need not be surprised if, on the motion to adjourn the debate on the Bill to be moved by his party, they found him in the Government lobbies on the division, as he could not consistently vote for the adjournment. It was a mode of opposition he was not prepared for and would not support. And when the division took place he went into the Government lobbies, and he believed his action at that time caused dissatisfaction here in Lyttelton. Mr Aliwright then quoted from * 1 Hansard ” to the effect that he had informed the Government after the division that, as a good deal of cheering had followed upon his going into their lobbies, it might be inferred that he had seceded from his party, but such was not the case, and that when the Port Chalmers member’s motion of no-confi-dence was brought forward, the Government would find him with his party. In the present instance he felt in honor bound to vote as he had done, having been pledged to his

constituents to do his utmost to get the Bill passed the debate on which his party had attempted to adjourn. [Cheers.] But he was getting along, perhaps, a little too fast. Before the occurrence just narrated, he was waited upon at his lodgings as early as seven o’clock in the morning, and asked to support the Government, and he might say that at that time he was aware of the contemplated secession of the “ Auckland four.” B[e had been told of it confidentially, and was not at liberty to eta'e then bis authority, but ha warned his party of it, only to be told that he was a young member, and should not believe such stories. But he knew his information was reliable, and, indeed, ha was asked to make the fifth, but declined. And now about the Christchurch seat. Ho supposed his supporters were desirous to hear of hi* action on that election committee. Well, in the first place he should state that he was not appointed on the election petition committee. He was “struck,” as it is termed, each side of the House striking a member alternately. There was a distinction between being appointed and this mode of striking - and a wide one, too, in some respects. However, in the committee the main point to be considered first was whether a mao, after being duly elected for one constituency could be returned by another. Now, it was proved that Sir George Grey was elected for the Thames, and the writ returned on September 2nd —he thought that was the date but at all events it was nine days before the election in Christchurch. It was plain, therefore that he could not be returned for Christchurch, and four out of seven of the committee so decided. In England the law was that all writs are made returnable on the same day, on the day that Parliament meets. Here they ware returnable on or before a certain date so that the English emtom did not apply to the case at all. The next question before the committee he was puzzled a good deal over, and took some time to revolve the matter in his mind before deciding. It was whether the next highest candidate for the seat was entitled to the seat. Fina.ly he, with the other three members, voted in the affirmative, thus giving Air Richardson the Christchurch seat. In that connection he wished to say that since then the decision of the committee had been indorsed in another part of the colony. He referred to the contested seat for Mayor in Dunedin where Mr Fish being declared disqualified, in consequence of being interested in some contracts or sub-contracts for the city. Mr Waters, the next highest at the poll, was, after a hearing before the Magistrate, declared duly elected. He would also remark that be had been almost pulled to pieces over that Christchurch seat business, and the most absurd statements had been made about him. Such, for instance, as that he had helped Mr Richardson to the seat, because he (the speaker) was a member of tha Harbor Board. What could be more ridiculous than an assertion of that sort. As a fact, he was but one of four who had voted on that side, and he had done so conscientiously—he had done nothing more than any honest man would have done, nor more than he would da again under similar circumstances. (Cheers.) He had been slandered to an enormous degree about it, it was true, and that statement of the Harbor Board membership was but an instance of it, and it wag said too by persons who ought to know better. Surely it was well enough known that Mr Bichardson was no personal friend of his. Why, in that very Board he had objected, as chairman of that body, to pay a bill which had

been Bent in -by tbe firm of Allwright Bros., just because he (the speaker) was a member of the Board. And what wa» the more annoying, he objected, after he was aware that the Board had received from a third party the money for the work done by Allwright Bros., and at the price charged by them. How on earth could it be, then, that he should be suspected of helping Mr Richardson into the House. He couldn’t understand it, but he knew one thing, and that was that he worked against Mr Richardson at the Christchurch election, and voted against him. Yet when it came for him to act on the committee, he knew no man, but acted according to the dictates of bis conscience on the questions placed before him, and as he said before, only did just what any honest man would have done. One day a remark was made by a certain member (Captain Colbeck it was, in Bellamy’s at the time) which caused him more thought tnan almost anything during the session. It was, “Allwright is the only man on that committee, he thought, who was there without his mind being made up.” As to Mr Richardson, he would say that had personal feelings counted for anything with him at the time he was on that committee, he would have voted the opposite to what he had done. Sir George Grey was one of his own party, and was deserving as such of his support; but he was determined to come out of that committee with clean hands, and he could not therefore do otherwise than he had, and he stood before them that night with his conscience clear. They were aware that, owing to the factions opposition made throughout the whole of last session, but few Bills of importance were passed. Of those that were carried, the Qualification of Electors, a Bill asked for by all Liberals, was perhaps the most important, and the most ultra-Liberal could scarcely ask for a more liberal fiancbise than that Bill afforded. It came as near to manhood suffrage as it was possible to get almost, and under it every man nearly might qualify for a vote. Mr Allwright spoke then of the freehold qualification in the Bill, and said that a calculation had been made as to the number of votes a person could exercise who possessed property in different districts, and that such, a person residing in Lyttelton could vote in seven different districts, assuming that ha had property in each of them, and they were on the line of railway. He then proceeded to explain the Triennial Parliaments Bill, which had been passed, and for which ha voted. He described it as a more liberal measure than the one proposed by the Grey Government, but said his opinion in reference to the three years’ Parliaments had undergone some change. That he was inclined to believe its tendency was rather to throw the Government and control of the country into the hands of the wealthy, for they alone could afford to contest an election every three years. No man would'have a chance. The property tax was next leferred to, the speaker describing it as a most iniquitous tax. Our party, he said, improved the Bill very much as far as making it lighter on those least able to bear its burden—the working classes. It was originally limited

to £3OO "exemption, but this was increased to £SOO, to which sum the property of the working classes would be exempt from taxation. As to the Lyttelton constituency, where there were few wealthy men, the tax would be felt as light, perhaps, as anywhere in the colony. Another alteration had been carried also by the Opposition in the Bill. It was establishing the standard for ascertaining values of property, and this was fixed at what such property would realise at auction for cash. Taken altogether, the Bill was made less burdensome to the working classes than i£ it had passed as it was brought down by the Government. These three measures—The Qualification of Electors Bill, The Triennial Parliaments Bill, and The Property Tax Bill —were the only ones likely to effect us. There was another measure —the purchase of District Railways—he considered an improper enactment, and he was sorry to find the leader of the Liberal party voting with the Government on that Bill. He could not reconcile the statements about the financial difficulties of the country with a Bill of that kind which proposed to take between £70,000 and £BO,OOO for the purchase of private railways ; so he voted against it. But he might cite the fact of Mr Macandrew being found voting, as he said, with the Government, as going to show the disorganised state of the Liberal party in the House— tba party of which Mr Macandrew was the chosen leader. He would now advert briefly to local matters, and first with reference to the Resident Magistrate for Lyttelton. He regretted he had not yet succeeded in getting what was due to the port in this matter. It was disgraceful that in this, the Liverpool of Kew Zealand, there was not a Resident Magistrate. Ha did not know why the Government had acted—or not acted rather—in respect to the resident magistracy. Why they had not fulfilled the promise made, and it was the more surprising inasmuch as the Premier, in his no-confidence speech made this very matter a specialty, saying that he had been once Resident Magistrate at Lyttelton himself, and knew the necessity that existed there for such an officer. Surely, said Mr Aliwright, if in Mr John Sail’s time of officiating, there was need of a magistrate, how much more so now is there. He then quoted his remarks in the House upon this matter from Hansard, and said that hs knew of debtors who bad left Lyttelton, defying their creditors to stop them, and laughing up their sleeve, so to speak. The excuse made by the Government for not

having a permanent resident in the place appointed, was that the B.M. who had received the appointment had a house elsewhere, which he would have to dispose of first, and also that owing to thej temporary absence of the RM. at Koiapoi ho had to attend the court there. It was, however, his intention, whenever Parliament re-assembled, to ask the Government why they had not kept their promises to him. There was a. matter also in reference to working on the wharves on Sundays he should make it his business to see to. The telegram about working the Union Company’s steamer on Christmas Day reached him too late for him to take action, though he asked the Government with reference to it after he received it. Mr Allwright then quoted from Hansard, showing that ho had requested that such permits be in future prohibited, on the ground of being a great injustice to the working classes. (Cheers.) He knew also that recently an extra hour had been put upon the employees in the railway department, and he had seen gas burning late at night, and Sunday night too, in the offices of the railway department. He had recently called the attention of the Premier to these matters, and he had taken a note of them when he was here. It would, however, be his business as their representative to attend to this during the coming session, and though he might not succeed altogether, it should not be from any lack of zeal on his part. (Cheers ) There was a Bill—the Chinese Bill—he was most anxious to have pasted as soon as the session met. It was proposed to put a poll tax of £2O on every Chinaman landing in the colony, and he should support it. (A voice: It thonld be £SO) Another imporlait measure might possibly be brought forward —the Redistribution of Seats’ Bill. At his election he had promised to support this measure, but he was of the opinion that it would be unwise to do 10 provided it aimed at a population basis, as that, he felt sure, meant the swamping of the small places by the large centres of population. He didn’t think, therefore, hs would vote for it on a population basis, though ho would he willing that such large boroughs as Sydenham and some others should send a representative. He had explained as much now as he could think of, and would conclude. He might say of the great Liberal party that he thought next session would find it thoroughly disorganised, without a leader (or at least with five or six leaders), but without any man at its head who would carry the party through. If they got into power, his opinion was they could not command the confidence of the House for twenty-four hours. The difficulty was, they all wanted to be Ministers, and they might agree were there about forty-five folios to bo filled, as then they could command a majority. As to the course ho proposed to take, it would depend upon the Hall Government’e sincerity in endeavoring to carry out liberal measures, and if they conscientiously worked to carry measures for the benefit of the colony, they should have his support, not without. He meant that he would pledge himself to them only so far as they endeavored to advance the welfare ot the colony. [Cheers.] It had, ho said, been argued that an independent member could do no good, but he was not convinced of the truth of that proposition. The Liberal party had behaved like a lot of cats and dogs, and under such an existing state of affairs as that it was impossible good could come of it. So far as the Hall Government Jwere concerned, they had gone about the business of the country with an evident determination to do their duty, and bring about an era of prosperity in the co’ony. So far he was satisfied with the measures they had brought down. The finances of the colony, it was true they had depicted as in a most gloomy state, and it was no doubt too true that they were. But the Government had faced the difficulties like men with the welfare of the country at heart. His audience, he said, was well aware that about half the last loan of £5,000,000 had been virtually pledged before the present Government came in—before indeed the loan itself was floated. This was sorely a most alarming state of financial management. He believed, however, that, for the moat part, the men now in power were thoroughly honest, and would get us out of the difficulty if possible. As to the Native Policy of Mr Bryce, the present Native Minister, he was delighted with it, and with the firm action of the Minister. Before Mr Bryce obtained his portfolio ho, the speaker, had met him, and been much pleased with his abilities. He regarded him as one of the most worthy men of the House, and when Mr Bryce said that if he could not by next session show that he had reduced the enormous expenses of the Native Department he would lay down his portfolio, ho, the speaker, was sure ho meant every word of it. He trusted moat earnestly that Mr Bryce would succeed, for he felt sure he was the right man in the right place, (cheers). He would not detain them longer. It was the first attempt of his life to address an audience of his fellow townsmen after attending a Parliamentary session, and he trusted they would excuse his shortcomings. As he told them when they elected him—“ He should never be a second Sir George Grey nor a Sir Julius Yogel ” —but they might depend that he would do his best for their interests and the interests of the town of Lyttelton. He hoped that members would go to the next session not to talk to fill “ Hansard,” but to do the business, to transact which they are sent by their constituents. That was his intention, and he hoped to find more resolved on the same line of action. He thanked them most sincerely for the very great patience they had exercised during his remarks, and would now be prepared to answer any of their questions. [Cheers.] Mr Dransfield—How is it when there is so much talk of the railways not paying as they should, that so many free passes are granted f Carriages almost full of such passengers daily travelling on the railway may be seen. Mr Allwright, in reply, said the matter was brought before the last House, but was not disposed of, owing to the fractiousness of members. A committee reported to the House, advising that no free passes be granted, excepting to members on Parliamentary duty, but the report got shelved. He proposed to see to it in the early part of next session.

Mr Webb asked where the money which was voted for the Police Barracks for Lyttelton had gone to ? Mr Allwright said he regretted he had not the “ Hansard ” with him showing what action he had taken, but the proposition was that the town give the Government the corner piece’of ground, the site of the present old barracks, on the condition that Council offices were to be included in the building, by being provided for on a second storey. A sum of but £IOOO had been placed on the estimates, quite insufficient for the bullring contemplated, and the excuse had been made by the Government that the land had not been made over to them. He would see to the whole matter on his return to Wellington. A Bill might require to be put through before the building would be commenced, and then £IOOO would never erect it. Mr Webb asked—Did Mr Allwright think he was doing his duty to this constituency by going back to Wellington to support the Hall Government bolus bolus, if he might use that expression ? Mr Allwright said that Mr Webb made a mistake —just the mistake a great many others had done and might do. He had not studied what he (Mr Allwright) had said, or he would not have put the question. He never said he would support the Hall or any other Government “ bolus bolus.” What he did say, and what he meant, was that so long as the present Government brought forward measures for the advancement of the prosperity of the colony they should have his support, reserving to himself the right of an independent member. As far as parties were concerned, there was but one in the House in his opinion, for all members professed Liberal principles, though some were twitted with being Conservative, and they in turn were twitted with being Liberal —Liberals in name only. Mr Webb again rose to speak, and several voices interrupted with “ Wire in, Sammy.” Mr Webb would like to hear something of “ the Auckland four ” and that celebrated agreement. He thought it was a stronger loadstone than a bit of paper that had captured those Northern “ rats.” Mr Allwright, in reply, said as far as that he couldn’t say. He knew that Mr Swanson had been in Parliament forycais, and had the reputation of being one of the most unimpeachable men there, and Mr Swanson drew up the so-called agreement or compact. He (the speaker) saw it and road it, and to the best of his recollection that bit of paper contained nothing more than about this —All Liberal measures would be carried out. No change in the present educational system. Justice should be done toAuokland in respect to the apportionment of the loan. These, he believed, were each initialled by the Premier, Mr Hall, and were the contents as near as he could remember. They tried to ehow the

paper in the House, but could not ; Mr Swanson bad it in bis pocket, and said if it couldn’t be shown in in any other way he would pin it to the Speaker’s chair. As for the Government, ottering them anything to go over he could not speak, hut ho knew that when they asked him to go over they did not offer him anything. An Elector asked whether the Hall Govern - ment would have passed the liberal measures they had done unless pressure had been brought to bear. Mr All wright said he could not say for that. They had brought down the Triennial Parliament Bill, though he did not think they were greatly in favor of it. f A voice: “ Shouldn’t think they were.”] And it had been passed in a much more liberal form than the one proposed by the Grey Government, as he had shown; and were his own private opinion of the Bill asked, ho too considered it most conservative in its effects, throwing the power into the hands of the upper ten. Mr Webb again rose, and was greeted with hissess, groans, and shouts of “ Go in Sam. ” Mr Webb persisted in putting his question, and asked the speaker, after the noise had subsided, for an explanation. The Triennial Parliaments Bill was a liberal measure. Mr All wright told them he had voted for it, and yet he now told them ho was not in favor of it. Mr Allwright said, he being pledged to support it as a Liberal measure, had done so. He had thought it over since, though, and he did consider that it would prove to operate in favor of the wealthy classes getting control, for what poor man could afford to fight an election every three years ? An Elector asked whether the present Government's expenses in the Native department were less than their predecessors’? Mr Allwright replied that he believed Mr Bryce would succeed in settling the Native difficulty by settling people on the Waimate plains, and though the present expenses of Government were very great in the undertaking, yet ultimately the country would be benefitted did their policy succeed in subduing the Natives. Mr George Agar aiked whether the Native difficulty could not be settled by giving Te Whiti a portfolio. [Laughter.] Mr Webb again rose, and was received with caterwauling. He said he felt there was a risk in respect to Mr Allwright’s position on that Triennial Parliaments Bill, and he would like to give the gentleman a bit of advice. [Groans and hisses continued for some time, rendering the questioner’s voice quite inaudible.] Mr Webb proceeded to say that the advice was not his own, but from an able member of the House, whom Mr Allwright was probably acquainted with. He referred to Mr Speight, of Auckland. Mr Webb here read from a paper a passage from one of Mr Speight’s speeches, in which he urged the young members to guard well their interests, &c. He (Mr Webb) was afraid their member was a little shaky with reference to this Bill, and he should therefore like to get an expression of opinion from the meeting, by moving—- “ That Mr Allwright leave the Bill on the statutes as it now stood. [Cheers] Mr Allwright said he had no objection to pledging himself that night to the meeting to leave the Bill alone. He had voted to put it on the statutes, and was willing that it should stay there. It was quite a private opinion he had expressed when he said he considered it was not a good Bill for the men in but middling circumstances. He would give the meeting a pledge cheerfully that he would not vote to repeal the Bill. [Cheers.] In reply to Mr Webb’s remarks, “ Don’t you want to know where your subsidies' are going ? ” Mr Allwright said the Government had announced that subsidies would have to bo stopped, but they had not been stopped yet. The question was one of which much might be said on both sides, but he believed that when the session met it would he found that a majority of members were in favor of continuing the subsidies. In his position of Mayor he should hardly be likely to vote against the subsidies. He knew the Colonial Treasurer, for instance, was in favor of paying them, but if he had not the money, what then ? After a lengthened pause the Chairman asked whether any elector had any questions to ask, and there being no response, ho said he should declare the meeting at an end. Mr Allwright said before that was done he would move a hearty vote of thanks to the chairman; and at this juncture a stranger sitting in the front of the hall arose and started on a speech beginning with : “ After the honorable manner in which the member had that evening given an account of his stewardship, he considered they should give him a hearty vote of thanks and confidence in him. [Cheers ] The speaker was proceeding with an address, but was interrupted with cries of ‘Turn him out,’ ‘Sit down,’ ‘Shut up,’ &c., the audience in the meantime moving out of the hall.