THE GLOBE. MONDAY, APRIL 12, 1880.

Globe, Volume XXII, Issue 1913, 12 April 1880, Page 2

THE GLOBE. MONDAY, APRIL 12, 1880.

Public attentionin Now Zealandhas been of late much, absorbed by the genoral elections in England. And now that tho Liberal party are secure of a working majority, speculation as to the policy that they are likely to pursue is freely indulged in. Except among late arrivals in this colony, party feeling, as understood at home, does not influence those who are interested in tho result, At least what may bo termed party technicalities havo no say in tho matter. Owing to tho distance we live from the scene of action, " measures, not men," are what we look to. Comparatively, we are but little influenced by tho eloquence of Mr. Gladstone or the epigrammatic sayings of Lord Beaconsfiold. Our main interest lies in tho effect that any change of policy may have on the status of the empire at large and on tho relations between tho Mother Country and the colonies. With regard to the latter, it can hardly be said that the colonies, as such, have any very decided predilection to either party. To both Liberal and Conservative Governments the colonies owe certain distinct benefits. To the former the principle of selfgovernment and independent freedom ; to the latter tho feeling that they are an integral part of a groat empire, " indivisible olemonts of tho samo great Saxondom, to which, in all honorablo ways, be long life." But with regard to tho status of tho empire as a whole, opinions vary in a thousand different directions. They are those who uphold the lato vigorous policy of tho Boaconsfiold Government on the Continent, and are not averse to tho annexations that havo latoly boon made—who declare indeed that tho former is advantageous, and that tho latter havo been forced upon us. There are those who boliovo that Continental affairs do not concern England, and that tho Empiro is already unwieldy by reason of its gigantic size. Another party tako a third stand-point with regard to the annexations. Mr Bright and numerous other thinkers hold that our policy in Afghanistan and Zululand is not such as should, under any circumstances, bo followed out by a Christian nation—that, in fact, such a policy is totally immoral. Another party, again, although not holding with all tho acts of tho Conservative Government, would see the

measures it has initiated carried through by the same agents. They are afraid that a change in the pilot mayhavo a bad effect on the safety of the vessel. Indeed the various shades of opinion existing at the present crisis are almost innumerable

One thing may safely bo affirmed on tho side of the Liberals, namely, that their domestic policy will b i such as to commend itself to the colonies. A careful supervision of the finance of the country, and a general attention to internal administration has always been their strong point. During tho years that they wore last in power the national debt was made to steadily diminish, and it was only when what Mr. Gladstone calls the " meddling and muddling policy" was adopted that the balance appeared on the wrong side of tho ledger. And, inasmuch as victory in modern warfare is as much a matter of money as anything else, the real strength of the country —supposing the efficient strength of the army and navy to have been kept up — wa s a gainer by this economy. Moreover, we cannot help thinking that even the foreign policy of the last Liberal Administration was tho true policy for the interests of tho Empire, had it been carried out with firmness and vigour. But here was tho weak point which " floored" the Liberal foreign policy. They had not the strength of their convictions. They were not propared to carry out their proposals. In continental and American affairs they were timid to excess, and the consequence was that their neighbours took advantage of their timidity. Tho submission of the Alabama claims to arbitration was the establishment of an invaluable precedent in international relations, and despite the sneers of certain fire-eaters, reflected tho greatest credit on thoso who were willing to avoid war by a peaceable solution of a vexed question. But there can now be but little doubt but that England was mulcted in an extra sum of considerable amount, because it was felt that tho bleeding of such a lamb-like administration was a perfectly safe process. And in Continental matters in like manner England's voice was never attended to, because it was felt that she was not prepared to go to war to back up her ideas. Tho Liberal policy was true enough. We are no great military power, such as are France, Germany, Russia, and Austria. Our strength lies in our riches, ou* commerce, our command of the sea, and in the loyalty of the colonics. The extent of our Empire makes us excessively vulnerable. The enormous limits of our trade makes peace of more value to us to our neighbours. U empire c'est lapaix is a maxim that fits our condition more completely than it ever fitted the French Empire. But, however sincerely this may be borne in mind, when, in the true interests of peace, England gives an opinion, she should bo prepared to back it up at all hazards. Tho intercourse of nations is not an intercourse of angels. Our neighbors will take advantage of our vacillation, but they do not necessarily consider a policy of peace a sign of weakness. This unwillingness to go to all lengths in defence of a predetermined policy was the vulnerable point in the Liberal harness. Should the Administration shortly to bo formed avoid this fatal error it will do well. A safe and true foreign policy is, unhappily, not to bo effected by the enunciation of moral maxims. When a man is in Rome he must do as they do in Rome. The millonium has not yet arrived, whatever Mr. Bright and thoso who think with him may hold to the contrary.